留美博士：朱学勤剽窃Blum 中英对照（1-5全）

朱学勤：《道德理想国的覆灭》

第五章第三节: 173-183页

Carol Blum: Rousseau and the Republic of Virtue

布鲁姆：《卢梭与德性共和国》

第七章：Identification with Virtue  133-152页

卢梭升温——大革命的道德理想

席勒《卢梭颂》诗云：

　　当苏格拉底被智者们贬落

　　　　基督徒亦饱受折磨，教徒们咒骂卢梭

                  卢梭，他吁请教徒重返人间城廓44

　　诗人巨眼识慧，寥寥数行，即点透了卢梭、教徒、世俗人间的三者互动关系。

　　革命在步步走近。而走在革命前面的，则是一个由人而神的道德偶像，以加温社会热情，以动员社会参预。孟德斯鸠、伏尔泰、狄德罗可以作理性的导师，但不具备道德魅力。他们的哲学本身就是排斥道德，排斥价值审美，排斥来自彼岸的任何资源。他们有智者之风度，却没有圣人之气象。时代在呼唤，不是雅克，就是卢梭。鹿，已经跑到波尔卢瓦亚修道院去了。

          法国史学家雷蒙德·特鲁松描述革命前卢梭热刚刚兴起时的状况，有一段话说得极为准确：

　　 当时，有两股舆论潮流开始分流，泾渭分明：一种是敌意的排斥性的潮流，但是不能扩及到文学界。后一种潮流是鲜明的、深刻的、有扩散力的，联系着大多数人。卢梭，敏感心灵的导师，道德的教师，是被迫害的，在爱蒙农维尔死于穷困、遗弃。他不是，也不可能是——那种邪恶的人，忘恩负义的人。他的著作给他本人蒙上了一圈光环。45 （1. Blum 135页第二段第5-12行）

　　有关卢梭的神话从文学界发源，向上、下两个层面侵蚀。到１７８０年，上层社会可能已保持不了那份矜持，开始向卢梭低下它那高贵的头颅。这一年有观察者说：“所有的宗教都有它的偶像，哲学也有它的偶像。已经有半个法国转向爱蒙农维尔，去凭吊那个属于他的小岛……。王后和王子以及宫庭的所有王子王孙，上个星期都去过了。”46（2. Blum 135页第三段第4-9行）

第二年，即１７８１年，以卢梭未亡人泰勒丝名义出版的一本《安魂曲：让·雅克·卢梭的生命、传奇、对话集》风靡巴黎。订购者包括玛丽·安东奈特王后和本杰明·富兰克林美国公使等一大批宫庭显贵、外国使节和社会名流。（3. Blum 135页最后一段至136页第2行）与此同时，《巴黎报》亦推波助澜，在卢梭生前三个好友奥立弗·德·科兰茨、让·罗米利、路易丝·德赛欧编辑下，刊登了大量卢梭生前未发表的手稿。（4. Blum 136页第一段第5-8行

（此段全部逐句翻译自Blum，朱文没有注释）

         卢梭生前最讨厌巴黎的剧院。但是他死后不久，巴黎剧院却不断上演有关卢梭的戏剧，（5. Blum 136页第二段第1-2行）其中如《让·雅克的少年时代》，传播卢梭从小就是圣人的神话。最有意思的是一出两幕情节剧：《埃里珊田野里的幽灵集会》。（6. Blum 136页第二段第4-7行）第一幕是《新爱洛琦丝》里的普鲁克斯与朱丽出场，（7. Blum 136页第三段第1行）第二幕是《爱弥儿》里的爱弥儿和苏菲出场，（8. Blum 136页第三段第3行）全剧结束时则动用卢梭《乡村牧师》的颂诗和音乐，几乎凑齐了卢梭幻想作品里的主要人物和背景旋律。（9. Blum 136页第三段最后三行）在《让·雅克的少年时代》一剧幕启处，卢梭已在一把躺椅上入睡，他的父亲则在一旁阅读普鲁塔克的作品。这时，旭日临窗，冉冉升起。（10. Blum 136页最后一段第1-3行）父亲说：“你已长大成一个大孩子了……”，卢梭作苏醒状：“我马上就是１３岁了”。于是，两重唱在幕后响起：“当你出生时，我已失去她/你的妻子，我温柔的母亲……”，（11. Blum 136页最后一行至137页第4行）完全把《忏悔录》 中卢梭对儿时的诗化回忆搬上了舞台。

 （注：本大段全部逐句翻译自Blum，朱文没有一处注释）

无论剧目有什么不同，所有的舞台光环都把少年卢梭渲染成一个圣灵奇迹：他天性高尚，光照天地。为了普渡众生，拯救这个道德败坏的世界，他才降临人世。（12. Blum 137页第二段第1-5行）这些戏剧一直延续到革命年代，花样每年翻新。启蒙时代的作家没有一个获得如此殊荣。（13. Blum 137页第二段最后三行）

（此段逐句翻译自Blum，朱文没有注释）

         革命前十年，大量有关卢梭的书籍出版，而且侧重于卢梭的美德与时代的堕落这一类主题。（14. Blum 137最后一段第1-4行）法朗索瓦·查斯出版了一厚册《对卢梭和华伦夫人关系的一部公正的哲学评论》，逐点洗刷从前人们流传的有关卢梭行为的秽迹：与华伦夫人的暖昧关系、弃子不育、自恋情结，等等。认为，所有这些恰恰证明卢梭道德高尚。（15. Blum 137最后一段第4-8行）

（此段逐句翻译自Blum，朱文没有注释）

         文学渲染卢梭神话，取得了相当大的成功。卢梭的大量民粹主义观念渗入社会风气，成为时尚。（16. Blum 138第二段第3-4行）年轻人模仿爱弥儿，放弃荤食，睡在坚硬的光地板上，要做“居住在城里的野蛮人”。妇女们声称她们要听从卢梭的教诲，安心于室，相夫教子，连王后也开始亲自哺育起她的子女更多的人则模仿《新爱洛琦丝》里的穿着、打扮、说话的腔调。（17. Blum 138第三段第1-6行）路易十六的父亲路易王太子也深受爱弥儿的影响，按照卢梭的观点从小教育他的儿子，学一门手工匠人的手艺。据说，这就是路易十六那个著名的嗜好——业余锁匠的由来。47 （18. Blum 138第三段第6-10行）

        １７８６年，图卢兹科学院悬赏征文：“卢梭颂”。次年有两人获奖，其中一人就是巴雷尔，后来成为救国委员会的成员。（19. Blum 143页第二段第1-5行）巴雷尔颂扬卢梭是公共道德的先知：“他对美德的热情就是他的雄辩。只有这样的天才的人才配称为哲学家。。（20. Blum 143页第二段第6-8行）呵，让·雅克，所有的美德，所有的情感都将承认您是它们的导师，您是它们的楷模。”48（21. Blum 143页第二段第12-13行）

        １７８９年，即革命爆发的这一年，法兰西科学院预先公布的悬赏征文题目恰恰也是：“卢梭颂”。启蒙遗老格里姆，在这年９月的通信中郁郁而言：“明年法兰西学院的悬赏征文题目是卢梭颂，伏尔泰和达朗贝尔已退入阴影，人们还能说些什么呢？”49（22.全段翻译自Blum 143页注释栏注释19最后四行）

　　这一年岁末，《忏悔录》第二部出版，首次公诸于世。当时的法国已进入革命，呈烈火燎原之势。此书一出，无异烈火烹油，燃起更浓烈的道德火焰。一本匿名出版物《让·雅克或法兰西民族的信仰复兴》（《Ｊｅａｎ－ＪａｃｑｕｅｓｏｕｌｅＲｅｖｅｉｌ－Ｍａｔ

ｉｎｄｅｌａＮａｔｉｏｎｆｒａｎｑａｉｓｅ》）大声疾呼，正是通过卢梭的著作，这

个民族才学会“以美德划分等级，最正直的人就是最伟大的人。”50 （23.全段翻译自Blum 144页第二段）

         １７９１年６月，在大革命高潮中，路易·塞巴斯旦·马塞（ＬｏｕｉｓR ＳēｂａｓｔｉｅｎＭｅｒｃｉｅｒ）出版一本小册子，题目赫然为：《让·雅克·卢梭——首批被公认的革命缔造者之一》。认为，卢梭教导法国的，就是“公共道德”的原则。这场革命就是奠基于这一基石：“卢梭看出，各种社会只能依靠公共道德的手段才能存在。他为此祈祷，将他的理论与统治伟大社会的高妙艺术置于公共道德之上。”按照的理解，当时的国民公会超越于旧制度腐败观念之上，把整个民族与卢梭的“公共道德”紧紧联系在一起。“公共道德”是一种进攻性的武器，它能

使那些掌握它的人摧毁腐败，它特别反对封建制度的原则：“荣誉”。国民公会“依靠的是卢梭的公共道德，而不是虚假的荣誉”。他分析说，卢梭已为这个民族锻造了一个新词：“爱国美德”。“这一新词汇就是整个启蒙以及所有勇气的补足物。”

（24. 以上全段几百字逐句翻译自Blum 144页最后一段至145页第一段，Blum原文中这一段就加了五处注释，但朱文一处注释都没有，全部照抄，触目惊心！）

         值得注意的是，已把卢梭从其他哲学家中区别开来，说卢梭远远高于那些人，他是所有事变的关键因素：（25. Blum 145页第二段第2-4行）

 人和人的创造者并不是他幸福的对峙之物。这种悲惨的来源是伏尔泰造成的。

          使卢梭超越于他同时代作家的，就是他的雄辩有一个道德的核心。（26.以上两段见Blum 145页倒数第二段全段）

 当死亡颠覆了哲学王国的主权，他们的威望之星似乎已黯然失色，失去了对后代人的光照，从这一天起，他（——指卢梭）的王国就已经开始了。在支撑法兰西智慧宫殿的诸多栋梁中，只有一个人高悬于其他人之上。在那

根栋梁上，没有一个人没有读到过他的名字，没有一个人不把他的名字——让·雅克·卢梭——镌刻在他们的心上。诗人的荣耀似乎已经衰竭，与此同时，只有那道德作家的荣耀才能永存不灭。51 （27.全段见Blum 145页第三段全段）

         同一年，诗人、记者兼都灵大使皮埃·路易·吉昂热内，编辑出版《有关卢梭忏悔录通信集》。他坦陈出书动机，就是为了赶卢梭升温的舆论热点，乘热好打铁：“这些信件都是

写于《忏悔录》第二部刚刚出现的时候，有些朋友催促我抓住这一时机。这时候，人们对这个通信集中心人物的纪念，在某种程度上已经变得神秘化了。” （28.全段见Blum 145页最后三行至146页1-4行）

（此段也是逐句翻译自Blum，朱文没有注释）

　　 这时是什么时候？１７９１年１２月２１日，国民公会刚刚投票通过决议，给卢梭树立一座雕像，并奖励泰勒丝一份年金。（29. Blum 146页4-6行）吉昂热内看准这一时机，说卢梭的特殊人格正在成为大革命的象征，与上述马塞的观点相同，他也赞美卢梭，贬低伏尔泰。（30. Blum 146页第二段第1-3行）他详细描述了卢梭、伏尔泰之争的细节，指责伏尔泰之所以攻击卢梭，就是因为卢梭道德高尚。他建议，伏尔泰可以得到一座雕像；但题词为：“迷信的摧毁者”，而卢梭的雕像，则应以金字铭刻这样的题词——“自由的奠基人”。52 （31. Blum 146页第二段第7-13行）

（本段除了最后一句，前面都是逐句翻译自Blum，朱文没有注释）　　

        社会上盛传有关卢梭的种种神话。卢梭在法国的多处居所，被奉为圣地，那些地方的居民把卢梭像、卢梭书、卢梭警句置入神龛，供参观者膜拜。53卢梭的信徒纷纷出现。有一个叫作亚历山大·德雷依的信徒，写信给另一个信徒说：“让我们成为卢梭的朋友，一如基督徒成为耶稣的朋友”。54另有一个叫夏里埃夫人的妇女则声称她认识卢梭，并信誓旦旦地说：“我相信，我见到的卢梭确实与耶稣相似。”55 （32. Blum146页最后两行至147页前三行. 尽管朱文标注两个出处54和55来自Blum，但把页码都抄错了）

　　对于这种卢梭生前遭人唾弃，死后却受人膜拜的现象，启蒙遗老纷纷觉得不可思议。格里姆私下给友人通信，叹息说：“让·雅克看来没有崇敬者，只有崇拜者了。”56（33. Blum 146页最后一段第9-10行）他们难以理解，也难以预料，一场规模更大的风暴正在向着法国走近。

　　到了这种时候，对卢梭的崇拜已超逾他个人范围，成为一种具有普遍意义的政治化符号。它不仅遍布于下层社会，盛行于中层社会，而且弥散于上层社会。社会舆论在卢梭、伏尔泰之间的褒贬，也不仅是旧日两种哲学倾向的延续，而是预示着两种社会前途的对抗：是彻底否定历史已然状态的全盘革命，还是在接受已然经验事实的前提下分殊缓进的局部改革？如果革命已在所不免，是克制在政治革命范围，还是政治革命、社会革命、道德革命乃至革“革命”命的不断革命？

　　应该说，大革命初期阶段，大资产阶级和自由派贵族联手，确曾力挽狂澜，试图遏制卢梭式道德理想主义泛滥，将革命限制在一个有限范围。但是，他们并未成功。这一阶段历史

教训的思想史部分，与启蒙运动密切相关，我们留待第五节讨论。大革命第二阶段，是代表工商资产阶级的吉伦特派时期，这一派人后来为雅各宾派所推翻。然而，在崇拜卢梭推崇卢梭道德理想主义方面，他们与前任有异，与后任却是息息相通。正是在吉伦特派执政时期，道德理想主义从民间思潮上升为上层政治的合法统治（见第七章第一节）。如果说法国革命创造了一种独特的政治文化，57那么似应作出公正评价——吉伦特派领袖也参预了这一创造，不能完全归功或归咎于雅各宾派。雅各宾派对卢梭的崇拜，以罗伯斯庇尔为代表，后节再叙。这里可以列举吉伦特派几位著名领袖情况：

　　１、蒲佐

蒲佐为吉伦特派著名政论家，罗兰夫人的精神恋人。他回忆一生的精神历程，将他的信仰、道德追求归功于卢梭：（34. Blum 141页倒数第二段）

　　我的青年时代几乎是粗野不驯的。然而，我的心却并未受到放荡行为玷污。那种淫逸的生活使我厌恶。直到我长大成人，绝无一句下流的言词玷污过我的嘴唇。不管如何，我很早就懂得了什么是不幸。我对道德的追求坚守

不渝，道德的坚实是我唯一的庇护。我至今还记得我生命中的那一时期是多么令人激动，我从未背叛过那一时期：在那些日子里，我默默地在山间漫步，在小镇的树林里徜徉，一边欣喜地阅读卢梭或普鲁塔克的著作，或者背诵他

的有关道德和哲学最动人的论述。58（35. Blum 141页最后一段）

　　饶勒斯对蒲佐性格的形成有如下评论：

　　他的回忆录反映了那种病态的自我幻觉和自我纠葛。让·雅克那些平平常常的说教，被他吸收过来，形成了一种危险的气质：在他的道德基础上，自我确证，自我扩张，用一种带苦味的盐卤，苦苦地腌制自己59。（36. Blum 141-142页注释栏）

　　２、布里索

　　这是一位比蒲佐更活跃，也更狂热的吉伦特派领袖。１７９２年春天的对外战争，就是他主持外交事务时发动的。他这样表述自己对卢梭道德理想的崇拜：（37. Blum 142页倒数第二段）

　　卢梭应该成为所有世代的楷模。我弄不懂人们对《忏悔录》的那么多非议。我也知道

人们把他形容为一个骗子、一个诽谤家，最温和的说法，是把他说成了疯子。我有此不幸，崇拜这个疯子，并且分担他的不幸，分担那份浓厚的多愁善感，那颗道德的心灵。这丝毫不是因为他的风格，而是因为他的美德。他使

我热爱美德，如果一个恶棍能使人热爱美德，那就是一个伟大的奇迹。即使人们把卢梭说得如何不堪，附加一千个细节，更凶恶，更污秽，我也不改变我的观点。我相信我内心的判断。我与其相信卢梭有罪，不如相信这个指控他的世界，已充满了伪誓、伪证。60（38. Blum 142页最后一段）

        ３、罗兰夫人

　　她是吉伦特派富有美感的象征。几乎所有吉伦特派的重大决策，都是在她的沙龙里密议的。（39. Blum 140页最后两行至141页第1行）对于这位大革命政治性格的诗意女神，我们可以多说几句，从她的少女时代开始。罗兰夫人未嫁时，已饱读当时能够找到的卢梭所有著作。（40. Blum 139页最后三行）她说：

　　　　我感受到了一种尖锐的全身心的信仰，然而是那种只属于我自己的信仰。摆脱所有那些包围我、诱惑我、打动我的事物，我对自己说：“呵，美妙、温柔、坚不可移的美德，你将永远是我的财富、我的欢乐，……我远离神学家的种种定义，我热爱我信仰那些使我和别人共同幸福的幸福，我接受这种幸福，感受得到这种幸福。61（41. Blum 140页5-11行）

　　１７８７年７月和８月，罗兰婚后即安排了一次夫妇共赴卢梭晚年隐居地瑞士的朝圣旅行。他们拜访了勃艮弟行政长官——尚帕涅，后者曾是卢梭好友，亦是卢梭与泰勒丝结婚时的 证人。作为一个已婚少妇，罗兰夫人把她自己想象为卢梭式的人物，扩及她的丈夫。她在途中写道：“我如饥似渴地阅读朱丽（按：卢梭《新爱洛琦丝》里的女主人翁），不是第四次，也是第五次了。对我而言，那些书中人物已经和我们水乳交融地生活在一起了。他们将按照他们的脾性找到我们，正如我们找到他

们一样。”62（42. 全段逐句翻译自Blum 140页第二段1-9行，朱文注解却只包含最后的引号内容）

　　大革命爆发后，罗兰夫人实践了卢梭的妇女不宜公开参政只宜主持家政辅助丈夫参政的主张，给自己选择的政治活动方式是：不抛头露面，而是在家中主持沙龙，凝聚了一批又

一批有政治报负的男人。罗伯斯庇尔初入巴黎，就曾出没于她的沙龙。罗兰夫人给这些男人评定道德等级，将道德标准播撒于巴黎政治领袖活动范围，形成特有的道德氛围。当初罗兰夫人看中罗兰，是后者具有卢梭式的美德，正是在罗兰夫人的沙龙圈子里，罗兰后来被称为“美德罗兰”。也是在罗兰夫人的沙龙中，这个妇人第一次把罗伯斯庇尔称为“不可腐蚀者。”

（43. 全段翻译自Blum 140页最后四行至141页第二段第5行，朱文没有一处注释）

         有历史学家这样评论罗兰夫人：“对她而言，恰如她所崇尚的文学作品的模式，建立一个内在的美德理想是那样专一、迫切，以致压倒了对幸福的追求、甚至求生的本能。”63（44. Blum 141页第二段最后四行）  

米什莱分析罗兰夫人后来与雅各宾派领袖交恶，也是始于道德嫌恶：

　　罗兰夫人后来逐渐怨恨丹东和罗伯斯庇尔，在某种程度上，是他们那种粗厉冷漠的灵魂刺激了她，震惊了她。除了道德语言外，罗兰夫人几乎没有其他词汇。那颗温柔而又严峻的心灵，不仅仅是嫌恶那些被称作邪恶的人，而且是仇恨他们。整个世界被整齐地切成两半，所有的邪恶被强化为一半，所有的正义被强化为另一半。这就是在罗兰夫妇的道德圈子里看到的情景64（着重号为本书所加）。

（45. Blum 142页第一段、第二段） 

         吉伦特派和雅各宾派政见不合，血火相拼。但是双方在接受卢梭道德理想这一点上，却如出一辙。他们都倾向于建立一个“高尚灵魂（ｅｌｅｖａｔｅｄｓｏｕｌｓ）”的小圈子，以道德贵族代替血缘贵族，而且圈子越划越小，先是排斥他人，最后却被他人排斥。米什莱上述评论，不仅适用于罗兰夫人，而且适用于整个吉伦特派，甚至适用于先是被吉伦特派排斥，后来驱逐吉伦特派的雅各宾派。

朱书文献注解：

44. 爱弗瑞德·科班：《卢梭和现代国家》，伦敦１９３４年版第２章。

45. 雷蒙德·特鲁松：《卢梭和他的文学命运》，巴黎１９７１年版， Ｐ５３。

46. 普朗编：《有关让·雅克·卢梭流言的新闻和时间》，巴黎１９１２年版，Ｐ２２７。

47. 布罗姆：《卢梭和道德共和国》，Ｐ１３８。

48. 同上，Ｐ１４３。

49.同上，Ｐ１４３。

50.同上，Ｐ１４４。

51.转引自巴奈：《法国革命中的让·雅克·卢梭》，巴黎１９７７年版，第１０卷，Ｐ６０３４—６０３５。

52. 同上，Ｐ６０３８。

53. 同上，Ｐ６０３８。

54. 同47，Ｐ１４０。

55. 同47，Ｐ１４４。

56. 同47，Ｐ１４７。

57. 此说在国内由高毅首创，见高毅著：《法兰西风格——大革命政治文化》。

58. 同47 ，Ｐ１４６。

59. 饶勒斯：《法国革命社会史》，８卷本。巴黎１９２２—１９２７年版，第５卷，Ｐ１８０。

60. 同47 ，Ｐ１４２。

61. 转引自麦伊：《卢梭对罗兰夫人的影响》，日内瓦１９６４年版， Ｐ１４５—１４６。

62. 同上，Ｐ１７５。

63. 同上，Ｐ２１３。

64. 米什莱：《法国革命史》，巴黎１９５２年版，第１卷，Ｐ１２６９。

1. Blum, p. 135: As Raymond Trousson remarked on his posthumous reputation: "Two currents of opinion distinguished themselves clearly enough. One is hostile, denigrating, but it scarcely extends beyond the world of letters; the other, which is constantly manifested, deep and powerful, animates the majority. Rousseau the master of sensitive souls, the teacher of virtue, persecuted, dying poor and abandoned at Ermenonville was not—could not be—this wicked man, this ingrate: his work adorned him with a halo."4

2. Blum, p. 135: As early as 1780 the Correspondance secrete of Metra (or Mettra) commented: "All religions have their pilgrimages; philosophy has its own. Already half of France has transported itself to Ermenonville to visit the little island devoted to him... the Queen and all the Princes and Princesses of the Court went there themselves last week."5

3. Blum, p. 135-136: The following year a collection of tunes called Les Consolations des miseres de ma vie ou Recueil d'Airs, Romances et Duos par Jean-Jacques Rousseau was published and its proceeds donated to the Enfantstrouves in the name of Therese. The list of subscribers included Marie-Antoinette, the Princesse de Lamballe, the Duchesse de Choiseul, Melchior Grimm, and Benjamin Franklin. 

4. Blum, p. 136: The Journal de Paris, under the editorship of three men close to Rousseau, Olivier de Corancez, Jean Romilly, and Louis d'Ussieux, was the central organ for publishing previously unedited fragments of his work and for a "veritable press campaign" to serve his memory.6

5. Blum, p. 136: Through the decade a series of plays were written in tribute to the philosopher;

6. Blum, p. 136: Some of these dramas, like The Shades Assembled at the Elysian Fields: Melo-Drama in Two Acts, and The Childhood of Jean-Jacques, were so primitive as to approximate the medieval mystery play, with Rousseau in the role of the martyred saint.

7. Blum, p. 136: Act I of The Shades Assembled featured Saint-Preux, Julie,

8. Blum, p. 136: Act II brought Emile and Sophie onto the stage

9. Blum, p. 136: The play ended with characters from Rousseau's works and the Sage himself singing songs from the Devin du village.

10. Blum, p.136: The Childhood of Jean-Jacques presented Rousseau, as a boy, and his father. The curtain rose upon the child asleep in a chair, his father still reading to him from Plutarch as the sun rose.

11. Blum, p. 136-137"You are getting to be a big boy, now/' said the father, "I'll soon be thirteen," replied Jean-Jacques. Father and son broke into a duet, set to the music of "J'ai perdu mon serviteur," which began: "Thus I lost her while being born / Your spouse and my tender mother" (p. 11).

12. Blum, p. 137: These numerous garbled homages served up a mythic Rousseau, who combined the miracle-child quality of the folk hero, the martyrdom of the Christian saint, and his own peculiar persona of the aggressively radical moralist.

13. Blum, p. 137: These plays continued through the Revolution, new ones appearing every year. No other eighteenth century man of letters enjoyed any such postmortem celebration.

14. Blum, p. 137: Numerous works appeared during the decade which elaborated the view that Jean-Jacques Rousseau was uniquely "virtuous" because he loved himself and that the rest of civilized humanity was largely decadent.

15. Blum, p. 137: Frangois Chas published a lengthy series entitled Impartial Philosophical Reflections upon Jean-J acques Rousseau and Mme de Warens, in which he explicitly labeled Rousseau's liaison with Mme de Warens, his abandonment of his children, and his self-involvement as so many signs of his moral supremacy.

16. Blum, p. 138: Rousseau's concept of virtue gained ascendance both in the spoken and the written word

17. Blum, p. 138: Bernardin de Saint-Pierre said: "I've known libertines who got married, young people who gave up eating meat, who slept on the hard floor, women who announced publicly that they owed him their very being. Several pushed themselves to become Heloises. [His] maxims have risen to the throne itself; queens have breastfed their infants" (pp. 18-19).

18. Blum, p. 138: Louis Dauphin, Louis XVFs father, was said to have been deeply moved by Emile and to have raised his sons according to precepts he found in Rousseau, including the one urging instruction in manual crafts, which was responsible for Louis's training as a locksmith.11

19. Blum, p. 143: In 1786 the Academy of Toulouse announced a competition (one of their famous Jeux floraux) for an elogy of Jean-Jacques Rousseau. in 1787 there were two, one of which went to Bertrand Barere de Vieuzac, who, as simply Barere, was to be a colleague of Robespierre on the Committee of Public Safety.

20. Blum, p. 143: Barere praised Rousseau for deriving his oratorical mastery over the public from his virtue. "His enthusiasm for virtue will be his eloquence," he said, and "it is thus that men of genius were philosophers."

21. Blum, p. 143: Oh Jean-Jacques," he apostrophized, "every virtuous and sensitive being will recognize thee for his master and model."

22. Blum, p. 143: Grimm commented in his Correspondance litteraire of September 1789: "the subject of the new Eloquence Prize proposed by the (French) Academy for next year was the elogy of Jean-Jacques Rousseau. What will the shades of d'Alembert and Voltaire say?" (Paris: Buisson, 1813), 16: 253

23. Blum, p. 144: The second part of Rousseau's Confessions appeared in the fall of 1789, at the beginning of the revolutionaries' efforts ... The publication seemed to have accentuated feelings of empathy ... An anonymous publication, Jean-Jacques ou le Reveil-Matin de la Nation franqaise (BN Lb 39 6823), insisted that it was through his writings that the nation had learned: "Virtue makes rank, and the most just man is also the greatest" (p. 174).

24. Blum, p. 144-145: Louis-Sebastien Mercier, in a work entitled DeJ-J. Rousseau, considere comme Vun des premiers auteurs de la Revolution,22 published in June 1791, set forth the doctrine that what Rousseau had taught the French was the principle of "public virtue," upon which the Revolution was founded. "Rousseau saw that societies can exist only by means of public virtue; he begged for it; he posed the basis of his theory and the sublime art of ruling great societies on public virtue" (1: 159)… According to Mercier, the National Assembly had risen above the corrupt thought of the ancien regime to align the nation with Rousseau's "public virtue." …For Mercier, "public virtue" was an aggressive weapon which permitted those who possessed it to destroy the corrupt. He opposed it particularly to the feudal concept of honor.23 The Assembly "depended on the public virtue of Rousseau and not on the chimera of Honor" (1: 168), he commented, …He analyzed a new vocabulary which Rousseau had given the nation, and which permitted it to conceptualize its destiny properly. The term "patriotic virtue, that is the complement of all enlightenment and all the types of courage" (1: 191).

25. Blum, p. 145: however, Mercier separated him from the other philosophes and described him as playing the central role in events whereas the influence of the others was on the wane:

26. Blum, p. 145: "man and his creator were never the object of his pleasantries, this miserable resource was made for a Voltaire" (1: 27). "What placed J.-J. Rousseau above all the writers of his century was that his eloquence had a moral character" (1: 19).

27. Blum, p. 145: From the day when death overtook those sovereigns of the empire of literature [the philosophes], the star of their reputation has seemed to tarnish and lose its luster for posterity, whose reign, for them, has already begun. Among those pillars which in France supported the

temple of genius, one alone remains elevated to its entire height, and on that pillar there is no one who does not read, or who does not engrave

with us the name of J.-J. Rousseau. [Between Voltaire and Rousseau]... the glory of the poet seems to have declined while that of the moral  writer had only extended itself. [1: 1-2]

28. Blum, p. 145-146: Pierre-Louis Ginguene (or Guinguene), poet, journalist, and eventually ambassador to Turin, described the reason that led him to publish his Lettres sur les Confessions de J.J. Rousseau:24 "They were written when the second part of the Confessions had just appeared. Some friends urged me to seize the moment when the memory of the one who is the subject of the letters has, in some way, become sacred."

29. Blum, p. 146: The moment of which he spoke was December 21, 1791; the Assembly had voted to erect a statue of Rousseau and awarded a pension to Therese Levasseur.

30. Blum, p. 146: Ginguen£ described the particular persona of Rousseau which was beginning to be imbued with intense significance for certain revolutionaries.

Like Merrier, he pitted his hero against Voltaire.

31. Blum, p. 146: Ginguene went on to detail the quarrels that had separated Rousseau from the  philosophes, blaming, in every instance, the latter and especially Voltaire for having attacked Rousseau because of his virtue. He concluded his remarks by suggesting that while Voltaire deserved a statue to be inscribed "to the destroyer of superstition," Rousseau's should carry the words "to the founder of liberty."

32. Blum, p146-147: Rousseau's disciple Alexandre Deleyre wrote to a fellow devotee in 1778, "let us be friends in Rousseau, as the Christians are in Jesus Christ."25 Mme de Charriere remarked that in her acquaintance with him, "I believed that I saw him assimilating himself with Jesus Christ."26

33. Blum, p. 146: Grimm had noted ironically in his Correspondance litteraire that "Jean-Jacques has no admirers, he has worshipers" (8: 462).

34. Blum, p. 141: Buzot, her political ally as well as her great love, wrote of his own early years in terms which underlined his solitude, his virtue, and his attachment to Rousseau.

35. Blum, p. 141: My youth was almost wild;... never did libertinage stain my heart with its impure breath; debauchery horrified me, and up to an advanced age never had a licentious word soiled my lips. However, I early knew misfortune, and I remained more than ever attached to virtue, whose consolations were my only refuge. With what charms I still recall that period of my life which can never return, when during the day I silently wandered the mountains and the woods of the town reading with delight some work of Rousseau or Plutarch, or recalling to my memory the most precious ideas of their morality and their philosophy.15

36. Blum, p. 141-142: Jaures comments: "He had mistaken the obscure sufferings of his vanity for the revolt of his pride. This sickly obsession with the self explodes in his Memoires.Mediocre disciple of Jean-Jacques, he inherited from him a dangerous disposition toward self-exaltation in solitude, toward nourishing himself, with bitterness, on his own virtue" (5: 180).

37. Blum, p. 142: The most active and influential member of the Gironde, perhaps even more important than the Rolands and Buzot, was J.-P. Brissot de Warville. Brissot,17 described a fervent faith in Rousseau's virtue:

38. Blum, p. 142: Rousseau deserved to become the model for all the centuries I am not unaware of the various judgments made of the Confessions. I know that people depicted him as a cheat, as a slanderer. The most moderate said he was a madman. I have the misfortune to adore this madman, and I share this misfortune with a throng of sensitive and virtuous souls. It is not in the least for his style, it is for his virtue. He made me

love it, and it would be a great prodigy if a scoundrel made virtue loved. But were they to add to the horrors told about Rousseau a thousand

other details still more atrocious, more infamous, I would not change my opinion, I would believe my inner feelings; I would rather believe the whole universe, testifying against him, was populated with perjurers, than believe Jean-Jacques criminal.18

39. Blum, p. 140-141: She presided as hostess over a salon frequented by politically ambitious men rather than influencing politics through direct action in her own name.

40. Blum, p. 139: the young Manon Phlipon, before her marriage to Roland, as being deeply identified with the Julie of La Nouvelle Helo'ise.

41. Blum, p. 140: She described her sensations at mass when she was a girl: "I experienced an extreme devotion at mass; but my own kind of devotion. Removed from everything around me, distracted, moved, I said to my Divinity: 'Oh beautiful, touching, unchanging virtue, you will always be my treasure and my joy.'... I leave the definitions to the theologians: I love, I adore what makes me happy with the happiness of others, what I conceive, what I feel."

42. Blum, p. 140: The Rolands made a journey to Switzerland in July and August of 1787, visiting sites enshrined in the Rousseau canon and even former friends of the Sage like Champagneux, the mayor of Bourgoin, who had witnessed Rousseau's wedding to Therese. As a married woman, Mme Roland expanded her image of herself as a Rousseauvian character to include her husband. "I just devoured Julie," she wrote to Roland, "as if it were not the fourth or fifth t i m e . . . it seems to me that we would have lived very well with all those personages and that they would have found us as much to their taste as they are to ours" (May, p. 175).

43. Blum, p. 140-141: Intellectually Mme Roland claimed to share with Rousseau the conviction of women's innate inferiority and the necessity of their complete subservience to the male figure. She presided as hostess over a salon frequented by politically ambitious men rather than influencing politics through direct action in her own name. One of the first habitues of her afternoons was Robespierre, with whom, as Gita May points out, she had much in common both ideologically

and temperamentally (p. 191). It was she who labeled Robespierre the "Incorruptible." Her husband was called the "virtuous Roland."

44. Blum, p. 141: "For Mme Roland, as for her literary models, the need to conform to an interior ideal of virtue became so imperious that it ended up by triumphing over the aspiration toward happiness and even the instinct for self-preservation" (May, p. 213).

45. Blum, p. 142: For Mme Roland as Rousseauvian heroine, the wedding with virtue meant the division of the world into the virtuous, with whom she belonged, and the vicious, whom she set out to destroy. Michelet commented:

Mme Roland, it must be said, had arrived in her hatred of Danton and Robespierre at a degree of irritation astonishing to find in such a stout

soul. She had scarcely any vices except those of virtue; I call by that name the tendency that austere souls have not only to condemn those

whom they call bad but to hate them; and moreover to divide the world exacdy in half, in attributing all the evil to one side and all the good to the other. That is what was to be seen in the virtuous circle of M. and Mme Roland.16

朱学勤：《道德理想国的覆灭》

第七章第五节：266至273页         

Carol Blum: Rousseau and the Republic of Virtue

布鲁姆：《卢梭与德性共和国》

   内外禁锢——舆论划一与道德对抗

　　罗伯斯庇尔上台之时，正是巴黎经受革命道德清洗之际。

　　在革命上层，人们推举出比马拉更具道德热忱的罗伯斯庇尔；在革命下层，人们点火焚烧一切不合道德标准的文化“奢侈品”：烧书，烧画，烧锦旗，烧旧制度文献，烧所有从私人住宅抄检出来的带有贵族气息的文化作品。据《导报》记载，从１７９３年至１７９４年，不断有爱国者结队冲进国民公会底楼，自发地进行焚书活动。(1. Blum: 220页第三段第6行至第8行) 浓烟时常从国民公会的各个窗户内飘逸而出，法国议会就在这种腾腾烈焰之上，大声辩论他们的革命进程。(2. Blum: 220页第三段第9行，承接上面来的)

　　１７９３年１０月２３日，一位革命前的精神贵族——主教蒂博实在心疼这些文化精品毁于一炬，询问议会：(3. Blum: 220页第三段第9行至第11行)

　　爱国者有什么权力烧毁这些从邻居家里抄检来的东西，即使这些东西证明是保皇主义或封建主义的标志？ (4. Blum: 220页第三段第11行至第13行)

　　雅各宾党人约瑟夫·德·谢尼埃平静地回答说：(5. Blum: 220页第13行至第14行)

　　不是有一些被公认是伟大的共和主义者的书籍吗？比如说，他们之中有西尼和让·雅克·卢梭。42（6. Blum: 220页最后一行至221页第2行）

        卢梭的著作和思想到了这种时候，就不限于一种无形的语言暴力了。它已与强大的群众暴力、行政暴力相结合，形成一种公开的政教合一的政治暴力。(7. Blum: 243页第三段第1行至第4行；曲解成“政教合一”，Blum并非这个意思)１７９３年６月１９日，《世界信使报》公然载文说：“人，仅仅是政府塑造的模样。在一个民主政体下，在一种如此纯洁的空气里，在一个如此美好的政府下，母亲毫无生产痛苦就生下了她的孩子”。(8. Blum: 264页第二段倒数第7行至倒数第2行)

　　这正是卢梭改造新人思想，从哲学推行到政治实践的关键点。卢梭当年曾抱恨没有一个优秀的政府来塑造他所设计的至善人性，现在轻而易举地由一家革命报纸堂皇说出，而且正在一个革命政府的行政推动下，轻而易举地进入了社会实践。

　　罗伯斯庇尔当然信奉这一主张。但是，他考虑得更为深远。报纸虽有宣传卢梭思想的这一作用，但是报纸七嘴八舌，有时可能争夺政府对塑造人性的社会影响。１７８９年８月２４日，他在三级议会上的发言曾反对限制出版自由。但是到了１７９３年他显然改变了这一看法。他更相信由政府来直接塑造人，也就是说，直接钳制舆论，在此之后，扫荡一切政府之外的文化媒体、知识分子。６月２４日先发出警报，他指出：

　　有一种最简单最有力的力量，能把公共舆论引入各种主张和各色人等的混乱，这就是报纸为何在革命中总是扮演一种重要角色的原因。 敌人在出钱收买一些。43 (9. Blum: 265页第3行至第5行; 此处朱文的注释43照搬Blum注释)

　　一个月后，罗伯斯庇尔进入救国委员会。８月８日，国民公会公布法令：“查禁所有阳奉阴违的学院、学术机构、医学机构、艺术团体、法律机构。” (10. Blum: 235页第三段第1行至第2行)８月１０日起，逮捕所有“反革命”的作家、记者。(11. Blum: 264页脚注3第2行至第3行)《巴黎新闻报》的迪罗苏瓦于８月２５日被推上断头台，这是革命法庭处死的第一个新闻记者。44(12: Blum: 264页脚注3第5行至第7行；此处朱文注释44照搬Blum注释) 根据这个月公布的监护者法令：民间街头报纸要么被封闭，要么成为雅各宾派的喉舌。(13. Blum: 264页第二段第1行至第4行)９月５日，在忿激派武装示威要求下，国民公会决定把恐怖正式提上议事日程。救国委员会命令：关闭法兰西剧院，逮捕所有演员。

　　下一步清洗的，是司法系统。这年圣诞节，罗伯斯庇尔签署文件，由救国委员会发至各省，仅剩无几的法理程序、科层制过程都被废止。(14. Blum: 222页第四段第1行至第4行)“加强革命，只能在一个自由的空间进行，这就是立法者之所以要清除阻碍道路的所有事物的原因。…… 到目前为止，我们清洗了不少人，但是还存在着很多有待清洗的任务。……革命法律的智慧只有在毫无阻碍的高空飞翔，如果增加它周围的限制，它就会逐渐停顿下来”。45（15. Blum: 222页最后一段；朱文注释45照搬Blum注释）

　　进入１７９４年春，恐怖主义呼声更加高涨。马赛军事委员会宣称：“法律的刀刃每天都应切下一些罪恶的头颅，断头台工作得越繁忙，共和国就越巩固。” （16. Blum: 226页第11行至第14行）（３月２６日）处死丹东派当日，奥布省来的议员说：“如果我们清洗了自己，我们就有权力去清洗法兰西。我们不能让异质团体再留在共和国躯体之内。”（17. Blum: 226页第8行至第10行）处死丹东派后，圣鞠斯特也催促国民公会：“消灭所有帮派，只有这样，共和国内才能只剩下人民和你们自己”。46（18. Blum: 227页第5行至第7行；朱文注释46照搬Blum注释）

　　当时的国民公会形同虚设，大权已经集中在救国委员会少数人手中。罗伯斯庇尔等人进一步实践卢梭政治哲学之真谛：让人民的一盘散沙与最高寡头的集权直接对位，中间削平一切社会团体。

　　１７９４年４月至５月，雅各宾派开始清洗巴黎各区的民众团体。３９个区的民众团体被迫解散。除限定每十天集会两次的区会议以外，只有雅各宾俱乐部一个组织可以自由集会。雅各宾派俱乐部经多次清洗、分裂，此时亦办成了官办机关，成为政府之工具。即使如此，每逢集会，讲坛上下亦派人严密监视。

　　在这一清洗民间团体的过程中，最具典型意义、亦具讽刺意义的是妇女参政命运的起落。

　　１７８９年三级会议所收到的民间陈情书中，有３３份要求改进妇女的命运。（19. Blum: 204页第二段第1行至第2行）有一份称为“法兰西妇女的陈情书”写道

“三级会议的组成，就概念来说，它既然能代表整个民族，也就应该代表我们。可是，民族一半以上的人口却被排斥在外。先生们，这是一个问题，而这一问题伤害的是我们这个性别。” ：（20. Blum: 205页第三段第6行至第11行）专门研究卢梭妇女观与妇女运动关系的西方史学家保罗·费里兹和理查德·莫顿整理总结这批陈情书说：（21. Blum: 204页第二段第2行至第4行。注：Blum原文是Ruth Graham，而不是保罗·费里兹和理查德·莫顿---Paul Fritz and Richard Morton，这两人是Women in the 18th Century and Other Essays一书的编者，其中收录了Ruth Graham的文章Rousseau's Sexism Revolutionized，这里Blum有注解，朱肯定看到了此注解，不然不会刚好用这两个编者的名字，可惜弄巧成拙，搞错了。）

　　妇女的陈情书虽不登大雅之堂，但正是这些陈情书提醒人们注意，妇女是被排斥三级会议之外的。１７８９年的法兰西，危机四伏，也正是妇女们提出了一个治疗药方：卢梭的道德或伦理更新。47（22: Blum: 204页第二段第4行至第8行；朱温注释47照搬Blum注释）

　　妇女对卢梭的呼唤，在革命前夕和初期的卢梭热中起了很大推动作用。革命前半阶段的民众运动中，妇女参政权确实大大推进了一步。（23. Blum: 208页最后一行至209页第一行）包括雅各宾俱乐部在内的许多政治性俱乐部都吸收了女性。《铁嘴报》上也不断鼓吹女权。（24. Blum: 209页第一段第5行至第9行）但是，卢梭道德理想普及之时，恰恰正是妇女重回厨房之日。

　　法国大革命中，轻视妇女的封建传统始终没有全部消退。《人权宣言》中的“人”，指的是“男性”，而不是“女性”。(25. Blum: 209页第二段第1行至第3行)１７９１年宪法中，亦将妇女划入消极公民，这种观念到了雅各宾专政时期，不仅没有克服，反而由于卢梭幽闭妇女的理论影响，大大增加。（26. Blum: 212页注解18第1行至第4行）１７９３年１月２５日，雅各宾党人普律多姆反对里昂妇女组建政治俱乐部，（27. Blum: 209页第二段第7行至第9行）首先发难：“里昂妇女俱乐部当她们这么做 时，是怎么考虑让·雅各·卢梭在《社会契约论》里教育年轻女公民的那些完整章节呢？（原文如此，这些章节在该书中没有，只出现在《致达朗贝尔——论观赏》中）……妇女俱乐部将是家政的苦难渊源……。我们恳求里昂的那些好公民，留在家里吧，好好照看你们的子女吧，而不是妄称什么懂得《社会契约论》！” （28. Blum: 209页第三段全段）

　　有妇女代表用孟德斯鸠观点反驳他：“在亚洲，从最古老的年代起，我们就被束缚在家务劳动中，用以配合专制统治！”（29. Blum: 210页第二段最后三行）

        普律多姆用卢梭回敬孟德斯鸠：“有一个圣人曾经不断重申，最好的妇女是说得最少的妇女，当他听到这番高论时，恐怕会愁眉苦脸，顿生不快。卢梭断断不会喜欢一个妇女有如此高超的才智。如果妇女们也加入一个俱乐部，我们可就要把我们曾说要遵循自然、遵循理性、遵循卢梭所说的一切统统收回了”。48（30. Blum: 210页第三段第1行至第5行；第9行至第10行；朱文注释48照搬Blum注释）

       １７９３年１０月，雅各宾专政出现反妇女参政高潮。１０月１日，王后受审，审讯中出现污秽不堪的性侮辱和性歧视。49１０ 月２４日，罗兰夫人受审，３１日处死。１０月２９日，国民公会前 出现请愿者，要求“关闭所有的妇女社团”，“因为正是这些娘们才让法兰西受苦遭罪。”（31. Blum: 213页第一段第1行至第3行）次日，阿马尔以救国委员会名义在国民公会发言，提出三个问题，然后一一加以否定：（32. Blum: 213页第一段第3行, 第5行，第9至第10行）

　　１、是否应允许妇女在那种特殊的社团里集会？

　　２、 妇女们能否掌握政治权力，在政府中任要职？

　　３、妇女们在政治生活或公共集会中能否保持头脑冷静，深思熟虑？（33. Blum: 213页第二段第5行至第9行—包含以上三个问题）

　　他的否定理由是，“公共舆论拒绝承认”，？（34. Blum: 213页第二段第14行至第15行）以及卢梭的理论如此规定——“男人们创造道德统治，女人们使得美德受人爱戴”。？（35. Blum: 214页第二段倒数第4行至倒数第3行）

 　　经过一番辩论，接下来通过的法令是：“以任何名义建立的妇女俱乐部、妇女公众团体，一律禁止。”１２月３１日，又发布补充法令：“妇女们只有在丈夫和孩子一起出席的情况下，才能参加社会活动。” ？（36. Blum: 215页最后四行）

　　从此，曾热烈呼唤过卢梭道德救国主张的法兰西妇女，在雅各宾专政时期销声匿迹。（37. Blum: 215页倒数第5行至倒数第4行）

 　　如此清洗，制镇住国内舆论后，还有最后一笔，就是闭锁国门，强化与外界的道德对抗。

　　法国大革命初期以世界主义面貌著称。它曾以宽广博大的胸怀，接纳过欧洲各国的倾慕者和参加者。国民公会曾授予华盛顿、潘恩、克劳茨等外国革命家以“法兰西荣誉公民”称号，选举潘恩为法国议会的正式议员。以世界主义为号召，法国革命甚至一度出现向外输出革命的冲动。

　　但是，这种世界主义和输出革命，本身就存在着道德优越和道德泛化的底色，一旦形势逆转，同样的底色很快变幻为紧闭国门，排斥外人，关起门来实行“道德净化”的另一面目。(38. Blum: 227页倒数第7行至第6行)

        １７９３至１７９４年冬天，英国作出和平试探。（39. Blum: 224页最后一行）接受或拒绝这一和平机会，一度成为丹东与罗伯斯庇尔的争辩焦点。罗伯斯庇尔宣称：“有必要注意英国的罪恶”。（40. Blum: 225页第2行至第4行）科·德布瓦说，在英法两国政府间没有共同的基础，“他不想拿英国的政府与法国的政府作比较，那就导致在所有美德的清单旁边罗列一长串邪恶的清单。” （41. Blum: 225页第4行至第8行）巴雷尔宣称和平是腐败的根本动力，“君主制需要和平，共和国需要战争精神；奴隶们需要和平，共和主义者则需要自由的酵母。” 。（42. Blum: 225页第一段最后五行）

　　在牧月法令通过前几个星期，罗伯斯庇尔签署了一个报复英国的法令：狱中的英格兰人和汉诺威人一律处死。(43. Blum: 263页第3行至第6行) 英国随之通过了一个对应法令。(44. Blum: 263页第8行至第9行) 这样，双方都废止了旧时代战争规则中不虐杀战俘的人道规定。(45. Blum: 263页第9行至第11行) 约克公爵呼吁对双方战俘都施仁政，罗伯斯庇尔以道德逻辑拒斥说——(46. Blum: 263页第三段第1行至第2行)

　　自由与专制之间有什么共同点？美德与罪恶之间有什么共同点？……(47. Blum: 263页第三段第2行至第4行) 那些与专制主义作战的士兵应该得到救援，让他们重回医院，这是可以理解的；奴隶宽待奴隶，暴君宽待暴君，这是可以想象的。然而，一个自由人与一个暴君或暴 君的仆从相妥协，勇敢与怯懦相妥协，美德与罪恶相妥协，这是不可想象的，也是决不可能的！50 (48. Blum: 263页第三段最后六行；朱文注释50照搬Blum注释)

这就把圣鞠斯特在国王审判案中的道德逻辑，延伸到外交事务中来了。卢梭抗英情结发展至此，雅各宾专政道德理想国实践历程行进于此，道德逻辑不仅磁化了国内事务，而且也磁化了国际事务。整个世界划分为道德与非道德的两个国际阵营，(49.Blum: 263页最后一段)意识形态纷争压倒了民族利益，法兰西政治文化的内战风格延续到外部世界，不仅给法国人民造成长期的战争苦难，而且给近现代国际政治生活留下了深刻的历史影响。

42.同③，Ｐ２２０—２２１。西尼（ＡｌｌｇｅｒｏｎＳｙｄｎｅｙ１６２２—１６

８３），英国政论家，曾参加英国革命，独立派领袖之一，复辟时被处决，着有《论政

府》。

43.《罗伯斯庇尔全集》第１０卷，Ｐ５０３。

44. 吉尔克里斯特、玛瑞合著：《法国革命中的出版界》，伦敦１９７１ 年版，Ｐ１２。

45. ＪB ＭB 汤姆逊编：《法国革命文件集（１７８９—１７９４）》，牛津１９４８

年版，Ｐ２７５—２７７。

46. 《圣鞠斯特全集》第２卷，Ｐ３７２。

47. 保罗·费里兹、理查顿·莫顿：“卢梭性观念的革命化”，载《１８世纪的妇女及其问题论文集》，特累顿、萨拉索塔１９７６年版。

48. 里奥波德·拉科：《法国革命中的三个女性》，巴黎１９７１版，Ｐ１５—１５８。

49. 参见茨威格：《断头艳后》，Ｐ４４８—４５９。

50.《罗伯斯庇尔全集》第１０卷，Ｐ４９９。

1. Blum. P. 220: Throughout 1793-94, t h e Moniteur describes the Convention receiving groups of patriots bearing books, papers, paintings, flags, objects of all kinds which had been found in private homes, libraries, and collections, and burning them

2. Blum. P. 220: on the Convention floor while "dancing the Carmagnole in a circle around the flames."

3. Blum. P. 220: On October 23, Anne-Alexandre-Marie Thibault, former constitutional bishop of Cantal, had asked the Convention to clarify the situation.

4. Blum. P. 220: Were patriots really authorized to burn the belongings of their neighbors if they bore "signs of royalty or feudalism"? (Moniteur).

5. Blum. P. 220: Marie-Joseph Chenier replied cautiously that

6. Blum. P. 220-221: "there are some very republican books which are dedicated to princes, for example those of Sydney [sic] and Jean-Jacques Rousseau."

7. Blum. P. 243: Robespierre was accused of being a crypto-Catholic, working to restore the church's lost fortunes, but this is a misreading of his discourses. It was not the actual Catholic church for which he expressed admiration or respect, but rather the idea of a body of believers, held together in an ecstatic fusion of virtue.

8. Blum. P. 264: In the Mercure universel, for example, fidelity to the republican repudiation of original sin was demonstrated in the statement: "Men are only what the government makes of them. In a democracy (under a sky so pure, under such a beautiful government) the mother gives birth without labor pains...

9. Blum. P. 265: he pointed out on 6 messidor, "and one of the simplest and most powerful is to lead public opinion astray in regard to principles and men: this is why newspapers always play a role in Revolutions. The enemy has always hired writers; " (10: 503).

10. Blum. P. 235: A decree was passed on August 8, 1793, suppressing all literary organizations in France, including the Academic francaise.

11. Blum. P. 264: "Following 10 August [1793], the arrest of all counter-revolutionary authors was ordered

12. Blum. P. 264: Durosoi of the Gazette de Paris was executed on 25 August—the first journalist to be condemned to death by the new Revolutionary Tribunal." The Press in the French Revolution (London: Ginn, 1971), p. 12.

13. Blum. P. 264: The press, which had enjoyed a period of unprecedented liberty starting several years before the Revolution and lasting until the censorship decrees of August 1793, had become by the summer of 1794 a totally Jacobin organ.3

14. Blum. P. 222: On Christmas day, 1793, the Committee of Public Safety sent out a message to the departments, drafted by Robespierre, Billaud-Varenne, and Carnot, explaining the "reform of the laws." All red tape and bureaucratic procedures had to be eliminated:

15. Blum. P. 222: Revolutionary intensity can only be exercised in a free space, which is why the legislator clears the road of.. .everything which is an obstacle. Thus you will perform a useful sacrifice to the public good and to yourselves in rejecting from your functions everything which may act to the detriment of the fatherland, and thus against yourselves. Up until now we have purified men, there remains the task of purifying things The genius of revolutionary laws is to soar without being hindered in flight: it would be less rapid if it multiplied circles around itself.4

16. Blum. P. 226: The military commission at Marseilles announced to the Convention that "the blade of the law strikes off the heads of the guilty every day; the more the guillotine works, the more firm the republic becomes" (Moniteur, 6 germinal).

17. Blum. P. 226: Gamier (delegate from FAube) insisted: "if we purge ourselves it is to have the right to purge France. We will leave no heterogenous bodies in the republic" (Moniteur, 16 germinal [April 5, 1794]).

18. Blum. P. 227: "Destroy all the factions," he exhorted the Convention, "So that there remains in the republic only the people and you."

19. Blum. P. 204: Of the regular cahiers des doleances, according to Elizabeth Racz, thirty-three recommended educational reforms for women.1

20. Blum. P. 205: in a brochure, dated March 5, 1789, entitled "Doleances des Femmes franchises," was stated the following objection to the Estates General: "The notion that the organization of this respectable assembly of the Estates General, as it is presented to us, can really represent the entire Nation, while more than half the Nation is excluded; that, gentlemen, is a problem, and a problem injurious to our sex."

21. Blum. P. 204: Ruth Graham has studied the numerous pamphlets written by women in imitation of the authorized cahiers.

22. Blum. P. 204:  "The women's cahiers were unofficial but the very name reminded readers that women were excluded from the Estates-General. France in 1789 was in acute, economic distress; society was turned upside down and the women advocated one cure: Rousseau's regeneration of moeurs or morality."2

23. Blum. P. 208: under the National and Legislative Assemblies women enjoyed the beginnings of some direct influence in political affairs.

24. Blum. P. 209: A number of clubs admitted females to varying degrees of participation, including the Club des Indigents, Club des Halles, Club des Nomophiles, Club des Minimes, the Jacobins, and the Cordeliers.14 Several publications, including the Abb£ Fauchet's Bouche de Fer, pushed the cause of women's rights regularly and fairly aggressively.

25. Blum. P. 209: Under the "Jacobin Republic" these steps toward defining "man" as "human being" rather than as "male" were halted in the name of virtue, according to Rousseau's arguments.

26. Blum. P. 212: Paule-Marie Duhet comments: "The Constitution of 1791 had established the distinction between active and passive citizens: women... were part of the second category." Under Jacobin hegemony, however, this antidemocratic discrimination was jettisoned

27. Blum. 209: On January 25 of that year, Prudhomme had launched the attack against feminine participation in political life with an address to a recently formed women's club at Lyons.

28. Blum. 209: was a far cry from the behavior of the citizenesses of Lyons: What do they think they are doing, the club of Lyons women, teaching young girl citizens entire chapters of J.-J. Rousseau's Contrat social} In the name of the fatherland whose love they carry in their hearts, in the name of nature from which one must never stray, in the name of good  domestic morality, of which women's clubs are the scourge... we implore the good citizenesses of Lyons to stay home, to look after theirhouseholds ... without claiming to understand the Contrat social.15

29. Blum: P. 210: she finished him off with a quotation from Montesquieu: "In Asia from the earliest times we have seen domestic servitude marching in step with arbitrary government."

30. Blum. P. 210: Prudhomme rose to the challenge and responded: "The sage who repeated endlessly that the most estimable woman is she of whom the least is said would have been pained to read the letter of President Blandin-Demoulin; Rousseau did not like so much wit and such fine reasoning in women." If Cornelia had belonged to a club we would take back everything we have said according to nature, reason, and J.-J. Rousseau."

31. Blum. P. 213: On 8 brumaire a petitioner appeared before the Convention to demand "the abolition of all societies of women, because it is a woman who is responsible for the misfortunes of France" (Moniteur, 9 brumaire [October 30, 1793]).

32. Blum. P. 213: J. B. Andre Amar, who in April 1794 was to award Jean-Jacques Rousseau the honors of the Pantheon, spoke on 9 brumaire (the previous October), in the name of the Committee of General Security. He declared that no one could be forced to wear the cocarde, and then addressed himself to the three important questions: The Committee of General Security decided in the negative to all these questions.

33. Blum. P. 213: "(1) Must assemblages of women meeting in popular societies be permitted? (2) Can women exercise political rights and take an active part in government affairs? and (3) Can they deliberate in political or popular gatherings?" (Moniteur, 9 brumaire).

34. Blum. P. 213: Universal opinion rejects this idea

35. Blum. P. 214: Thus, in a republic where men "made virtue reign," women were charged with "making it loved."

36. Blum. P. 215: The Conseil general, however, did vote on 11 nivose (December 31) that at civic ceremonies patriotic women were to have a special place, "where they will be present with their husbands and children and where they will knit" (Moniteur, 11 nivose).

37. Blum. P. 215: they were, for all practical purposes, silenced.

38. Blum. P. 227: Jacobins seemed to turn away from the possibility of realizing their ambitions on earth and looked rather toward a divine reward.

39. Blum. P. 224: was challenged in the winter of 1793-94 by British peace feelers.

40. Blum. P. 225: Robespierre announced that it had become necessary "to pay attention to British crimes" (Moniteur, 21 nivose [January 10, 1794]).

41. Blum. P. 225: Collot d'Herbois began by saying that there could be no common ground between the two governments. "He did not want to compare the English government with that of France; that would be putting the excess of all vices up next to the sum of all virtue" (Moniteur, 24 nivose).

42. Blum. P. 225: Barere spoke up on 3 pluviose (January 22) announcing that peace was an essentially corrupt impulse: "Monarchies need peace," he claimed, "the republic needs the energy of war. Slaves need peace, republicans need the fermentation of liberty" (Moniteur).

43. Blum. P. 263:  A few weeks before passage of the Law of 22 prairial, a decree was drafted and passed under Robespierre's aegis declaring that no English or Hanoverian prisoners would be taken. This document served to destroy the conventions protecting prisoners of war

44. Blum. P. 263: Shortly thereafter, the English decreed denial of mercy, quarter, or acceptance of surrender of troops.

45. Blum. P. 263: Thus the old monarchical tradition, which had held that war was a bit of a game, one the soldier could sometimes quit before he lost too heavily, was abolished.

46. Blum. P. 263: Robespierre's response contemptuously dismissed the Duke of York's pleas for French clemency toward captured soldiers: "

47. Blum. P. 263: "What does liberty have in common with despotism?" he asked, "virtue with vice?"

48. Blum. P. 263: "That soldiers fighting for despots might give a hand to defeated soldiers to return to the hospital together, that is understandable; that a slave might deal with a slave, a tyrant with a tyrant, that also is conceivable, but a free man compromising with a tyrant or his satellite, courage with cowardice, virtue with crime, that is inconceivable, that is what's impossible" (10: 499).

49. Blum. 263: Thus in international affairs the world was divided into two moral camps; the French, and theoretically a few other republics1 personified virtue, while all other countries incarnated vice. Virtuous France's duty was to kill the wicked nations.

朱学勤：《道德理想国的覆灭》

第七章第五节：276至283页

Carol Blum: Rousseau and the Republic of Virtue

布鲁姆：《卢梭与德性共和国》

第八章第一节、霜月批判——百科全书派雪上加霜

　　卢梭的信徒与启蒙遗老之间的论战始终在进行。

革命初起时，孔多塞这样的启蒙运动后继者尚在政治中心公开活动，（1. Blum：229页最后一段第3行至230页第1行）但其他百科全书派成员年事已高，亦因外界卢梭声望日隆，大多隐居民间，深居简出。（2. Blum：229页最后一段第1行至第3行）８０岁高龄的修道院长雷诺尔，自１７８１年５月２５日逃避巴黎市议会的逮捕令，一直隐匿于马赛，闭门著述。（3. Blum：230页第6行至第7行,第8行至第10行）１７９０年８月，斐扬派倾慕其启蒙思想家的声名，宣布旧时代对他的逮捕令撤销无效，邀其进入巴黎，登上议会讲坛讲演。（4. Blum: 230页第14行至第16行） 不料这位白发老翁上台后，向着底下正仰头瞻仰他作为百科全书派化身之风采的众议员轻蔑地扫了一眼，随即就连珠炮般猛烈抨击自１７８９年以来所发生的所有变化…… （5. Blum: 230页第一段倒数第6行至倒数第3行）

（以上全段翻译自Blum，全部没有标明来源）

　　罗伯斯庇尔站起发言：

　　你们看，（自由的）敌人是如何懦弱，他们不敢亲临前线甘冒矢石，却在这里举起他们的遁词。用心险恶者把这个有名望的老人从坟墓边拖了回来，以利用他的弱点。他们唆使他当众背弃了本来是构成他威望基础的那些教义和原则。3（6. Blum: 230页第二段全段; 注：朱文这里标注了Blum）

　　在罗伯斯庇尔建议下，议会把这个“昏瞆老人”轰了出去。（7. Blum: 230页第三段第1行至第3行）从此，罗伯斯庇尔对百科全书派的厌恶公开化，与他们结下了怨恨。8. Blum: 230页第三段第4行至第6行）

　　１７９２年４月，罗伯斯庇尔出版了《宪法保卫者》杂志。（9. Blum: 231页第一段第1行至第2行）他攻击的第一个靶子，就是米拉波曾在议会发言中多次提及的孔多塞与达朗贝尔的友谊。（10. Blum: 231页第一段第8行至第10行；注：此处朱抄错了，Blum原文中说提及他们友谊的是Brissot，不是米拉波Mirabeau，下面的Blum引文中也是Brissot先生）罗伯斯庇尔这一次公开数落百科全书派当年排斥迫害卢梭的恶迹：

　　米拉波先生，（朱抄错了，应是Brissot先生）他对他的那帮朋友推崇倍至，提醒我们回忆孔多塞与达朗贝尔的友谊以及他的学术名望，谴责我们以轻率的语气评论那些他称之为爱国主义和自由主义导师的人们。可是就我而言，我从来就认为，在那些方面，我们除了自然之外，别无导师可言。我愿意指出这一点，那就是革命已经砍掉了许多旧制度下大人物的脑袋。如果说这些院士、数学家遭到攻击和耻笑，那是因为他们曾巴结过那些大人物，并对那么多的国王奉迎拍马，以求飞黄腾达。谁都知道他们是多么的不可饶恕：他们迫害过让·雅克·卢梭的美德和自由精神！卢梭那神圣的面容我曾亲眼目睹，按我的判断，唯有他才是那个时代众多名人中唯一的、真正的哲学家。他才应该得到公认的荣誉，而这种荣誉恰恰就被那些政治上的雇佣文人和心怀忌恨的英雄们用种种阴谋手段肆加践踏！4（11. 这段全段见Blum: 231页第二段全段）

　　百科全书派当年与欧洲各王室之间的关系，确实不如卢梭的民粹主义道德实践那么漂亮；⑤百科全书派当年不宽容卢梭，也是事实。但是，这种哲学家内部的理论纷争是否到了迫害程度，未必如罗伯斯庇尔所言。罗伯斯庇尔令人不安处，是他的这种强烈暗示：“革命已经砍掉了许多旧制度下大人物的脑袋。”罗伯斯庇尔所使用的“砍掉”这一字眼——正是当时民间流传的“断头台”一词俚语。这种独尊卢梭罢黜百家的肃杀之气，预示着后来的“焚书、坑儒”（前文已述）一连串极端行动，已难以避免。

　　孔多塞试图起来反抗。他指斥罗伯斯庇尔：“当一个人在他的内心或内心情感中毫无思想可言时，当他毫无知识可以填补他智慧的空白时，当他连把单词联接起来的这点可怜能力都不具备的时候，尽管他尽其所能设想自己是一个伟人，还有什么事情可以留给他做呢？通过好勇斗狠的行为，他只能赢得土匪，强盗的喝采。” （12. Blum: 234页最后一段第5行至235页第1行；朱没有给出来源，让人对其引号不知所以）

　　德穆兰则主张在卢梭与伏尔泰之间应妥协调和。他提出，法国应该弥平它的英烈们之间曾经存在过的敌意。（13. Blum: 229页第5行至第7行）他说：“伏尔泰和让·雅克的遗骸都应该被保存为民族的财产。现在，各民族分裂为成千个碎片，同一民族内，某种碎片被一部分人认为是圣灵遗迹，同时又被另一种人视为渎神之物，可厌之物。然而，这本来是一座神殿（指先贤祠——本书）。人们瞻仰这一神殿和它所收纳的各种遗物时，本不该争吵。这是古罗马的神殿，应该把所有的崇拜所有的宗教融合在一起”。6（14. Blum: 229页第9行至第14行；注：此处朱书标注引文来自Blum 227页，但应该是229页）

　　德穆兰此言未免天真。当时对卢梭和伏尔泰、百科全书派的褒贬，正反映着现实政治生活中的严重对立，人们怎么会听得进调和者的声音？（15. Blum: 229页第三段第1行至第5行）

　　１７９２年１２月５日，雅各宾俱乐部集会。罗伯斯庇尔在这次集会中发表重要讲话，公开号召打倒百科全书派，（16. Blum: 233页倒数第3行至倒数第1行）推倒雅各宾俱乐部中的爱尔维修胸像。当时雅各宾俱乐部中共有四座胸像：米拉波、布鲁图斯，卢梭和爱尔维修。（17. Blum: 233页倒数第1行至234页第2行）（这一段朱也没有标明来源）罗伯斯庇尔说：

　　我看只有两个人值得敬仰：布鲁图斯和卢梭。爱尔维修是一个阴谋家，一个可怜的诡辩家，一个非道德行为的始作俑者，是正直的让·雅克·卢梭的最无情的迫害者！只有卢梭才值得我们敬仰。如果爱尔维修还活着，决难想象，他会加入自由的事业。他只会加入那群所谓诡辩家的阴谋集团，那些人今天正在反对祖国！⑦。（18. Blum: 234页第二段全段）

罗伯斯庇尔的建议获得一致通过。（19. Blum: 234页第三段第1行）在一片欢呼鼓噪声中，米拉波和爱尔维修的胸像被推倒，踩得稀烂。（20. Blum: 234页第三段第2行至第4行）

（此段朱照搬翻译，没有标明来源）

　　接下来的一个月，民间开始出现反百科全书派浪潮。一个主题被反复强调：只有投身于卢梭式美德的雅各宾派才是“人民”，而反对卢梭者，不是阴谋家，就是人民的敌人。（21. Blum: 234页第四段第1行至第4行；朱照搬翻译，没有给出注释）圣鞠斯特宣称，在人民的敌人里，他能辨别出这样一类人：（22. Blum: 234页第四段第5行至第6行）“他们曾忌恨并阴谋迫害过让·雅克。”连德国来的无政府主义革命家克劳茨也来凑趣，说那些百科全书派尚存者“抱着团来惩治我，就像他们惩治过让·雅克一样。”8（23. Blum: 234页第四段最后五行）

１７９３年春，卢梭遗孀泰勒丝来到国民公会，要求给予卢梭以置身先贤祠的荣誉。（24. Blum: 227页第三段第1行至第3行）而在此之前，在斐扬派时期，１７９１年７月１１日伏尔泰遗骸已移入先贤祠。卢梭与伏尔泰能否置于一堂，成了现实政治中如何对待卢梭及其思想的敏感问题。阿马尔出面接待泰勒丝，慨然允诺：“民族的代表们将再也不会延期偿还卢梭的恩典了。” （25. Blum: 227页第三段第4行至第6行）国民公众经过激烈辩论，议决把卢梭遗骸送入先贤祠。（26. Blum: 228页第1行至第2行）

（此段全部照搬翻译，没有一处给出注释）

　　１７９３年５月，吉伦特派垮台，启蒙遗老进入地下状态。（27. Blum: 235页第5行至第6行）孔多塞隐匿不出，格里姆逃亡哥特，波麦赛逃亡英格兰，马蒙特尔隐居于诺曼底，留在巴黎的人只能秘密聚会，不定期见面。（28. Blum: 235页第6行至第9行）专门研究这一问题的史学家卡夫克罗列了当时３８个人的命运，得出结论：“百科全书派的合决不是恐怖政策的合。” （29. Blum: 229页第三段第5行至第10行）当时最著名的百科全书派地下活动者有三个：孔多塞、雷诺尔和修道院院长摩莱勒。（30. Blum: 229页最后三行）这群幸存者在爱尔维修遗孀家里，秘密活动。这些人有：都德特夫人（卢梭晚年曾与之交恶，见《忏悔录》下卷——本书）、米拉波私人医生彼埃尔·卡布尼，以及前文所述那个给科黛作诗悼亡的诗人舍尼埃。（31. Blum: 232页第三段第6行至第11行）时人称他们为“卢梭式民主的敌人”。（32. Blum: 232页第三段第12行至第13行；注：原文并不是“时人”，而是一个叫Sergio Moravia的人这样说）（以上这么多内容照搬翻译，没有一处注释）摩莱勒回忆说：１７９３年底的一个夜晚，他在杜伊勒里宫附近一家餐馆里就餐，正好旁听到邻桌上的一场谈话，谈的是各区正在散发“爱国公民证书”，以甄别“正义者”与“邪恶者”。（33. Blum: 232页最后一行至233页第6行）一个人对另一个人说：“他们给了一个著名贵族一张爱国公民证！” （34. Blum: 233页第6行至第7行）此人越说越愤怒：“那个贵族就是埃贝尔·摩莱勒！他写过一本反对卢梭的书，我把他们从杜伊勒里区刚刚驱逐出来！” （35. Blum: 233页第7行至第9行）摩莱勒一听此言，赶紧拉下帽檐，悄悄溜走。⑨（36. Blum: 233页第9行至第10行；此处朱的脚注标注为：参见卡夫克：“恐怖与百科全书派”，载法国近现代史，196年14期284-295页，其实朱搞混了，这个脚注应该是Morellet, Memoires (Paris: Ladvocat, 1821), 2:97。朱抄的这个脚注内容也来自Blum，但Blum原文本用于上面的第29个标注，但朱文在第29处没有给脚注，却把它搬到这里来了，搞错了；另外年份是1967年，不是196年，朱也抄错了）

　　１７９３年１１月２１日，即霜月１日，罗伯斯庇尔在雅各宾俱乐部正式发动了反无神论运动。（37. Blum: 240页第二段倒数第4行至倒数第3行）演说一开始，他就以黑白对分法，把“贵族式”的无神论和人民所广泛接受的“伟大的主宰关心受压迫的无辜者”的观点对立起来，（38. Blum: 240页第二段最后三行）顿时激起旁听席上一阵掌声。罗伯斯庇尔迅速把掌声变为他的论据：“给我鼓掌的是人民，是不幸者。如果有人指责我的话，那一定是富人，是罪犯。”他暗示：国民公众将采取恢复宗教信仰的重大步骤，并打击那些渎神者、非道德者。这就是著名的９３年霜月演说10。

　　“霜月演说”无异于发布对百科全书派的讨伐令。（39. Blum: 243页第3行至第4行）百科全书派雪上加霜，更难生存。继此之后，罗伯斯庇尔又发表“花演说”，对百科全书派施以最后一击。（40. Blum: 235页第四段第1行至第3行）

　　１７９２年以来共和国境内的非基督教化运动，始终刺激罗伯斯庇尔的道德忧患与宗教情怀。在他看来，渎神者是渎德者，百科全书派的无神论抽空了共和国的道德基础。（41. Blum: 243页第7行至第9行）１７９４春丹东事件更使他把这笔帐记在百科全书派宣扬的世俗功利主义上。（42. Blum: 245页第三段第7行至第8行）处死丹东的当天，巴雷尔曾宣布罗伯斯庇尔正在起草一项道德救国的宏伟计划。１７９４年５月７日，罗伯斯庇尔代表救国委员会向国民公会提出了这一计划，其中最富道德义愤的那一部分，就是对百科全书派排炮般的攻击：（43. Blum：235页第四段第1行至第5行）

　　这一派人在政治方面，一直轻视人民权利；在道德方面，远远不满足于摧毁宗教偏见；……这一派人们以极大的热情传播唯物主义思想……。实用哲学的很大一部分就渊源于此，它把利己主义化成体系，把人类社会看作诡计的一场战斗，把成功看作正义和非正义的尺度，把正直看作一种出于爱好或者出于礼貌的事情，把世界看作灵巧的骗子的家产。……人们已经注意到，他们中的好些人同奥尔良家族有密切的联系，而英国宪法在他们看来，是政治的杰作和社会幸福的·最·高·点。 （这一段不在Blum中）

　　在我讲到的那个时期里，……有一个人（指卢梭——本书）以其高尚的心灵和庄严的品格，显得无愧于是克尽职责的人类导师。……他的学说的纯正性来自自然和对邪恶的深刻的憎恨，同样也来自他对那些盗用哲学家的名义搞阴谋的诡辩家的无法抑制的蔑视，而这，引起了他的敌人和假朋友对他的仇恨和迫害。啊！如果他曾是这场革命的见证人……，谁能怀疑他的高贵的心灵充满激情地关注着正义和平等的事业呢！然而，他的卑怯的对手们为革命干了些什么呢？他们……与革命为敌，…… 腐蚀公共舆论，……把自己出卖给一些叛乱集团，尤其出卖给奥尔良派！11（44. 以上两段朱注出了引文来自王养冲、陈崇武，问题不大；后面这段也出现在Blum 235页的最后一段最后四行和236页的第二段）

这是法国革命期间，对百科全书派所作的一次最猛烈最全面的讨伐。卢梭和启蒙思想家的理论是非，已经上升到革命与反革命的高度，百科全书派再也生存不下去了。（45. Blum：233页第二段第1行至第4行；此处朱文缩简）爱尔维修遗孀的地下沙龙被迫解散，启蒙遗老非逃即亡，他们中的大多数人后来还是走上了断头台。（46. Blum：233页第一段最后五行；此处朱文缩简）启蒙主流哲学留给法国大革命的最后一丝影响，只有花月广场上那尊无神论模拟像，等着罗伯斯庇尔付之一炬了。

注释：

③此事可参见布罗姆：《卢梭和道德共和国》，Ｐ ２３０。

④《罗伯斯庇尔全集》，第４卷，Ｐ３５—３７。

⑤启蒙哲学家与旧王朝、诸王室的关系，可参见索布尔１９８１年暑

假来华东师大讲演稿。尤其是《哲学家与革命》一章，材料更为翔实。

⑥同③，Ｐ ２２７。

⑦《罗伯斯庇尔全集》，第９卷，Ｐ１４３—１４４。

⑧饶勒斯：《法国革命社会史》，第８卷，ＰB ７４。

⑨参见卡夫克：“恐怖与百科全书派”，载法国《近现代史》杂志

１９６年第１４期，Ｐ２８４—２９５。

10. 瓦尔特：《罗伯斯庇尔》，Ｐ３９１—３９２。

11. 参见①Ｐ２５８—２５９。

1. Blum: 229-230: three of the best known intellectuals of the ancien regime, Condorcet, the Abbe Raynal, and the Abbe Morellet, overtly refused to accept the revisionist interpretation of the Enlightenment which some Jacobins were attempting to propagate.

2. Blum. P. 229: the majority of former Encyclopedists and other philosophes left letters and memoirs recounting efforts to make themselves inconspicuous during the Terror,

3. Blum. P. 230: He persuaded the Abbe Guillaume-Thomas Raynal, one of the fabled names of the philosophic group, to leave his retreat in Marseilles. The abbe, in August 1790, was still technically wanted under an arrest order from the parlement of Paris

4. Blum. P. 230: The Assembly, moved at the thought of the old warrior's long struggles on behalf of freedom, declared the decree against him void and invited him to speak before the deputies.

5. Blum. P. 230: Opposition incarnate in one human being, the elderly radical looked down on the adoring faces of the delegates and delivered a blast of venom against everything which had taken place since 1789.

6. Blum. P. 230: Robespierre handled the momentary ontological panic of the Assembly with great aplomb: "You see," Malouet quotes him as saying, "how the enemies [of liberty] dare not risk a frontal attack and are obliged to resort to subterfuge. The wretches drag forth a respectable old man from the edge of his tomb, and abusing his weakness, they make him abjure the doctrine and the principles which founded his*reputation."13

7. Blum. P. 230: Rather than parrying Raynal's attack, Robespierre's response simply dismissed him as a befuddled dotard and indeed the abbe's eighty years,

8. Blum. P. 230: Nonetheless, Robespierre subsequently expressed increasing rancor toward the entire group of philosophes,

9. Blum. P. 231: in April 1792, he began publishing a journal, Le Defenseur de la Constitution (a misnomer since it had no bearing on the constitution)

10. Blum. P. 231:  In the first issue Robespierre took on Brissot, who had just made a speech in praise of Condorcet's long friendship with the Encyclopedist d'Alembert.

11. Blum. P. 231: M. Brissot, in the panegyric of his friend, while reminding us of Condorcet's liaisons with d'Alembert and his academic glory, has reproached us for the temerity with which we judge men whom he calls our masters in patriotism and liberty. For my part I would have thought that in those respects we had no other masters than nature. I could point out that the revolution has cut down many a great man of the old regime [here Robespierre used the sinister word 'rapetiss£' which was a colloquial term for guillotining] and if the academicians and mathematicians whom M. Brissot proposes to us as models attacked and ridiculed priests, they nevertheless courted the great and adored the kings in whose service they prospered; and who is unaware of how implacably they persecuted virtue and the spirit of liberty in the person of this Jean-Jacques Rousseau whose sacred image I see before me, of this true philosopher who alone, in my opinion, among all the famous men of those times, deserved the public honors which have been prostituted since by intriguers upon political hacks and contemptible heroes. [4: 35-37朱文脚注照搬Blum此引文出处

12. Blum. P. 234: Of Robespierre he charged: "When a man has no thoughts in his head or feelings in his heart, when no learning makes up for his lack of wits, when he is incapable, despite his best efforts, of rising to the petty talent of combining words, and nevertheless he aspires to be a great man, what is there for him to do? By outrageous acts he must earn the protection of brigands."19

13. Blum. P. 229: attempted to reconcile Rousseau with the philosophes in the tomb. Camille Desmoulins described the Republic's need to gloss over its heroes' antagonisms and to weld them into a posthumous united front.

14. Blum. P. 229: "the remains of Voltaire and of Jean-Jacques will be transferred there as national property. Nations are divided between a thousand sects, and in the same nation what is the holy of holies for one sect is for another a place of blasphemy and abomination. But there will be no dispute between men over the holiness of this temple and its relics. This basilica will reunite all in its cult and its religion" (Revolutions de France et de Brabant, 72: 321). 此处朱书标注引文来自Blum 227页，但应该是229页

15. Blum. P. 229: It is not always enough to bury a quarrel, however; one must first be certain it is dead. Such was not the case, despite the shared apotheosis of Voltaire and Rousseau, not only because of the profound vibrations of their fundamental discord, but because certain philosophes inconveniently lived on.

16. Blum. P. 233: In a speech at the Jacobin Club on December 5, 1792, Robespierre moved from verbal denunciation to symbolic act.

17. Blum. P. 233-234: He demanded that of the four busts decorat-ing the hall, those of Mirabeau, Brutus, Rousseau, and Helvetius, two be struck down.

18. Blum. P. 234: I see here only two men worthy of our homage: Brutus and Jean-Jacques Rousseau. Mirabeau must fall. Helvetius must fall. Helvetius was a schemer, a miserable wit (bel esprit), an immoral creature, one of the crudest persecutors of the good Jean-Jacques Rousseau, who is the only one worthy of our homage. If Helvetius were alive today, don't go believing he would have embraced the cause of liberty: he would have joined the crowd of conniving so-called wits who today are devastating the fatherland.9：143-44朱文脚注照搬Blum此引文出处

19. Blum. P. 234: This speech touched off a wild display of approval at the club,

20. Blum. P. 234: In the midst of shouting and applause, ladders were brought in, the busts of Mirabeau and Helvetius were thrown down and smashed

21. Blum. P. 234： "Men of letters" and "wits" were, from this point on, in Jacobin texts, synonymous with traitors. In the months that followed, one theme was constantly reiterated: the Jacobins who embraced Rousseau's "virtue" were the people.

22. Blum. P. 234: Saint-Just declared that in his enemies he recognized the same people whose

23. Blum. P. 234: "envy and malice persecuted the good Jean-Jacques," and Anacharsis Clootz claimed, shortly before he himself was denounced by Robespierre as a foreigner and atheist, that "they want to punish me corporally as they did Jean-Jacques" (Jaures, 8: 74). 朱文脚注照搬Blum此引文出处

24. Blum. P.227: Therese appeared before the Convention, accompanied by a deputation of the Republican Society of the Commune of Franciade (formerly Saint Denis), demanding the honors of the Pantheon for Rousseau.

25. Blum. P. 227: The presiding officer, Amar, responded to the visitors by declaring that "the national representatives would not delay paying the debt they owed to the most intrepid defender of the rights of the people;

26. Blum. P. 228: the Convention decreed that Rousseau's remains be brought to the Pantheon

27. Blum. P. 235: When the Terror moved into its most active phase with the fall of the Gironde in May of 1793, Condorcet went into hiding.

28. Blum. P. 235: Condorcet went into hiding. A number of other intellectuals of the old regime were abroad, imprisoned, or dead. Grimm had fled to Gotha, Beaumarchais to England, Marmontel was hoping to escape notice in Normandy,

29. Blum. P. 229: Frank A. Kafker, in an effort to determine whether the Encyclopedists who had survived into the Terror were active supporters of it, examined the revolutionary fortunes of thirty-eight men who had contributed to the great dictionary and concluded:

30. Blum. P. 229: three of the best known intellectuals of the ancien regime, Condorcet, the Abbe Raynal, and the Abbe Morellet,

31. Blum. P. 232: Pierre Cabanis who had been Mirabeau's physician, Constantin de Volney, the Abbe Sieves, Andre Chenier, Condorcet for a time and Mme Condorcet after her husband went into hiding, Mme d'Houdetot, who had so inflamed Rousseau, M. d'Houdetot, and a handful of others banded together in Auteuil at the home of Mme Helvetius, the widow of the wellknown materialist philosopher.

32. Blum. P. 232: Sergio Moravia has characterized them as "adverseries of Rousseauvian democracy,"

33. Blum. P. 232-233: Abbe Morellet. He recounts how one evening while dining near the Tuileries he overheard one of Hebert's dinner companions telling the Pere Duchesne that the sections were dispensing certificates of "civisme" too casually. These certificates, awarded by neighborhood committees, were necessary for survival in revolutionary Paris, for without one a person was liable to arrest as a "suspect"

34. Blum. P. 233: "They gave one to a well-known aristocrat,"

35. Blum. P. 233: Pere Duchesne's friend announced indignantly, "the Abbe Morellet whom I had thrown out of the Tuileries section for having written against J.-J. Rousseau."17

36. Blum. P. 233: Morellet recounts scuttling from the restaurant only to risk his neck朱文此处的脚注抄错

37. Blum. P. 240: On 1 frimaire, at the Jacobins, Robespierre began his crusade against "atheism."

38. Blum. P. 240: From the beginning he meant to oppose atheism, which was "aristocratic," to the idea of a "great Being who watches over oppressed innocence," an idea that was "completely plebeian."3

39. Blum. P. 243: Within this context Robespierre began to formulate the attack on the philosophes which was discussed in the previous chapter.

40. Blum. P. 235: At the meeting of the Jacobin Club on 18 floreal (1794), three months before Thermidor, Robespierre put the finishing touches on his indictment of the now defunct "coalition" formed by the philosophes

41. Blum. P. 243: To have denied the existence of God and the communion of believers in favor of some individualistic rational doctrines was to undermine the foundation of the republic of virtue.

42. Blum. P. 245: he came to Danton, with an accusation which defined the orator's corruption:

43. Blum. P. 235: At the meeting of the Jacobin Club on 18 floreal (1794), three

months before Thermidor,Robespierre put the finishing touches on his indictment of the now defunct "coalition" formed by the philosophes in anticipation of the Revolution, which, according to him, they had foreseen. Among the philosophes before the Revolution, he said:

44. Blum. P. 235: Among those who were outstanding in the world of letters there was one man who, by the loftiness of his soul and the grandeur of his character, showed himself worthy of the ministry of preceptor of the human race. [10: 454—55] depicted in strokes of flame the charms of virtue... The purity of his doctrine, imbibed from nature and from a profound hatred of vice, as well as his invincible contempt for the scheming intriguers who usurped the name of philosophes, called forth the hatred and persecution of his rivals and false friends. Ah! Had he been the witness of this revolution of which he was the precursor, who can doubt that his generous soul would have embraced the cause of justice and equality with transports of joy? But what did his cowardly adverseries do? They fought against the Revolution. [10: 455-56]

45. Blum. P. 233: The existence of this group with its lingering aura of political heroism, intellectual prestige, impeccable elegance and ironic snobisme drew fire from Robespierre as much as it had from Rousseau, and on much the same grounds.

46. Blum. P. 233: he escaped the fate which befell other members of the group in Auteuil, like the poet Andre Chenier, who was executed, and the luckless aphorist Sebastien-Roch Chamfort, who attempted suicide three different ways and yet managed to survive his last attempt for a few months.

朱学勤：《道德理想国的覆灭》

第八章第五节：298至302页

Carol Blum: Rousseau and the Republic of Virtue

布鲁姆：《卢梭与德性共和国》

298页——

从牧月法令通过，到热月政变，不到５０天的时间，仅巴黎一地就处死１３７６人，平均每周达１９６人，杀人最多时每天达

５０人。35

　　塞纳河水，实在是太红了。

　　美德越位，恐怖越位，断头台也大大越位。卢梭的革命，开始大量吞食卢梭之子：处死者中属于原特权等级者逐步减少，６月只占１６B ５％，７月更降到５％，其余均为资产阶级、下层群众、军人、官员，其中下层群众则高达４０％以上！36

（这两段来源其他文献，不在Blum一书中。）

第299页——

        广场上一片沉寂，洞穴内暗室四起。雅各宾派失尽人心，国民公会内种种反对派阴谋四处蔓延。有些议员自牧月令公布之日起，即不敢回家睡觉，害怕被捕 （1.Blum：260页倒数第7行至倒数第6行）。牧月24日（6月12日），布尔东和梅兰在议会发言，要求澄清牧月法令是否废纸了议员不受逮捕的豁免权（2.Blum：260页倒数第2行至261页第2行）。罗伯斯庇尔认为，这两个议员的发言是“企图把救国委员会从山岳党人分离开来” （3.Blum：261页第4行至第6行）。

（以上全段没有标出来源）

        他说：“允许一些阴谋家分裂山岳党人，并且自封为党派领袖，就是对人民的残忍，对人民的谋杀。” （4.Blum：261页第13行至第14行）

        布尔东要求出示证据：“我决不想自封为一党领袖，我要求你拿出刚才那番指控的证据，我已经被说成一个邪恶者了”！” （5.Blum：261页第15行至第18行）

         罗伯斯庇尔：“我决不是指布尔东。谁要是对好入座，算他活该。我的职责迫使我描绘这样一幅肖像，如果他认出这便是他，我没有权力阻止他。是的，山岳当人是纯洁的，它是高尚的，而阴谋家绝不是山岳党成员。” （6.Blum：261页第19行至第23行）

        一个声音高叫着：“指出他的名字！” （7.Blum：261页第24行）

        罗伯斯庇尔：“到应该指出来的时候，我会指出他的名字！” 37（8.Blum：261页第25行）

         辩论表明，罗伯斯庇尔已再现卢梭晚年的这一心态：（9.Blum：265页倒数第6行至倒数第5行）既然我是道德的，那么反对者只可能是站在反道德立场上反对我；而反道德者不是有错，只可能是有罪；唯我有美德，他人在犯罪……：（10.Blum：265页最后一行至266页第4行）罗伯斯庇尔已经进入内省确信状态，不需要证据，他就可以凭直觉指控任何一个反对者，这样一个直觉敏锐者、“激情迅猛者”，又是大权在握！议院内人人自危，如汤浇蚊穴，一片慌乱。

第300页——

         牧月27日（6月15日），瓦迪埃向国民公会报告卡特琳泰奥事件。被告泰奥是个民间巫婆，逮捕是在他的草垫下发现了一封给罗伯斯庇尔的信，信中把罗伯斯庇尔称为“神人”、“救世主” （11.Blum：265页第三段最后4行）。泰奥于5月28日被捕，即花月法令前，拖到此时来公布，显然是有反对派暗中活动，以此败坏罗伯斯庇尔花月令、牧月法令的道德声誉（12. Blum：265页第二段第5行至第8行）。罗伯斯庇尔闭门起草反击报告。他悲愤地写道：

     “这是为什么，我们总是要提及我们自己？…… （13.Blum：266页第6行至第7行）

     “我们为什么不为自己辩护，就不能为共和国辩护？（14.Blum：266页第8行）

     “他们为什么总是要把我们和公共利益绑在一起，以致我们如果不为自己辩解，就不能为政府，为国民公会的各项原则辩解？” ？38（15. Blum：266页第9行至第11行）

        罗伯斯庇尔已无可挽回地进入了卢梭晚年的悲剧处境，控诉者被控诉，连语言都极其相似：（16. Blum：265页倒数第6行至倒数第5行）。当他仰天悲问，“他们为什么总是要把我们和公共利益绑在一起？(pourquoi nous a-t-on lies a l'interet general?) ” 。：（17. Blum：266页第三段第3行至第5行，此处法语也完全照搬Blum，一词不多，一词不少）他已预设了一个前提：他为自己辩护，就是为人民辩护。“我就是人民”，在这里又一次出现。奇丽斯玛的外倾语式是“无限上纲”：不同政见者必是道德邪恶者，道德邪恶者必是道德罪恶者。：（18. Blum：266页第三段第1行至第3行）。奇丽斯玛的内倾语式是“预先联系”：把自己和人民、共和国连成一体，攻击他，就是攻击人民，共计共和国。前者为矛，后者为盾。（19. Blum：266页第三段第5行至第8行）“我——道德——人民”，成了奇丽斯玛怯魅入巫所陷入的最大语言巫区。（20. Blum：266页第三段第8行至第10行）

         7月9日，罗伯斯庇尔出现于雅各宾俱乐部讲演，他再一次强调花月法令的意义：

第301页——

        所有拯救过共和国的法令中，最崇高的法令唯有这一项法令，它把共和国从腐败者的手中夺了回来，它使所有的人民从暴君手中释放了出来，这就是使得美德和城市成为生活秩序的法令，然而，那些只愿带着自由面具的人，却在美德法则的贯彻过程中投下了巨大的障碍。39（21. Blum：271页第二段全段）

        又过了一星期，离事变前10天，他再次把自己的困境归结为花月法令激起的抵抗，他们中的大多数人对美德这一词语的信念，仅限于家政和私人义务，决不愿将其理解为公共道德，理解为对人民事业的全部奉献，而后一点正是美德的英雄主义、共和国的唯一支柱、人类幸福的唯一保证。40（22. Blum：271页第三段第7行至第11行）

         罗伯斯庇尔似乎朦胧意识到，所有的问题就出在这个道德边界的认定？道德通常被人理解为私人事务，而他则坚持道德必须成为强制性的公共状态，必须成为国家、政治、乃至文明历史的唯一基础。（23. Blum：271页第三段第1行至第3行）

         7月26日，临事变前夜，他再国民公会演说，也是他生平最后一次演说。（24. Blum：272页第三段第1行至第2行）历史学家将其称为他的“政治遗嘱”。冥冥之中，他似乎预感到什么，急不可待地向历史交代，他此生信仰与这一场革命统一于美德这一基点：（25. Blum：274页第二段第1行至第2行）

         我只知道有两种人：正直的公民与邪恶的公民。（26. Blum：273页第三段第1行、第3行）爱国主义不是一个政治党派问题，而是心灵问题。（27. Blum：273页第三段第4行）谁能作出这种区别？良知和正义。（28. Blum：273页第三段第6行至第7行）

第302页——

         我说的是什么？美德！（29. Blum：273页最后一第1行）没有美德，一场伟大的革命只不过是一种乱哄，是一种罪恶摧毁另一种罪恶。（30. Blum：274页第一段第3行至第4行）拿走我的良知，我就成了一个可怜的人。41（31. Blum：274页第一段最后一句）

         7月27日晚，热月事件发生。罗伯斯庇尔在国民公会议员们的叫骂声中被捕，他留给这个嘈杂大厅的最后一句话是：“强盗们得胜，共和国完了。”当晚8点半至11点，他曾被短暂地营救出3个小时。但在这3个小时内，他无所作为，只是用手枪打碎了自己的下巴。在被人推上断头台前，他先打碎了自己的铁嘴——语言器官。7月28日下午6点，罗伯斯庇尔一行22人被送到停放断头台的广场。7点半，他被推上断头台。他临行前沉默不语，亦不能语，只是在沉默中最后一次聆听广场上的群众欢呼：“国民公会万岁！”（最后这一部分不知道出处，有可能是陈崇武的。不过，这个已经不重要了。朱大量剽窃了Blum，连小学生都看得出来。）

注释：

35.迪金森：《近代法国的革命与反动》，伦敦１９２７年版，Ｐ３３。

36.转引自张芝联主编：《法国通史》，北京大学出版社，１９８９年版，

Ｐ１９０。

37.《罗伯斯庇尔全集》，第１０卷，Ｐ４９２—４９４。

38. 同上，Ｐ ５０７。

39. 同上，Ｐ５１９。

40. 同上，Ｐ５３１。

41. 同上，Ｐ５５４—５５６。

1. Blum. P. 260: He alluded to rumors: a number of deputies to the Convention no longer slept in their beds, fearing arrest in the middle of the night.

2. Blum. P. 260-261: On 24 prairial, Bourdon (delegate from l'Oise) and Merlin (from

Douai) demanded an amendment to the law of 22 prairial which would exclude the members of the Convention themselves from arrest, trial, and execution under its provisions.

3. Blum. P. 261: He stated that Bourdon was attempting to separate the Committee [of Public Safety] from the Mountain.

4. Blum. P. 261: Robespierre continued, "it would be assassinating the people to permit some schemers to drag off a portion of this Mountain and make themselves party leaders."

5. Blum. P. 261: Bourdon's reply was to deny the role Robespierre assigned him. "I never intended to make myself a party leader," he protested. "I demand that what was just claimed be proven; I have just been called a scoundrel—"

6. Blum. P. 261: "I did not name Bourdon," Robespierre replied. "Woe unto him who names himself. If he wishes to recognize himself in the general portrait that duty forces me to trace, I cannot stop him. Yes, the Mountain is untainted, it is sublime, and schemers are not part of the Mountain."

7. Blum. P. 261: A voice called out: "Name them."

8. Blum. P. 261: "I will name them when the time comes," Robespierre replied. [10:

492-94]朱文此处照搬此注解，注为： 第10卷, P. 492-494

9. Blum. P. 265: Robespierre's reaction demonstrated the parameters of self-generated virtue in the same way that Rousseau juge de Jeanjacques had done.

10. Blum. P. 265-266：Both Robespierre and Rousseau, after long, persistent, and successful efforts to center attention upon their revealed selves as incarnations of virtue, struggling with the evil of the world, uttered reactions of surprise and hurt when they suddenly experienced that attention as unfriendly.

11. Blum. P. 265: Vadier and Barere presented a report in the name of the committees of Public Safety and General Security, claiming that "the Mother of God" was addressing

Robespierre as her "first prophet, the son of the Supreme Being, the Redeemer, the Messiah.

12. Blum. P. 265: but the real accused was understood to be Robespierre himself, and the accusation was that of aspiring not to dictatorship but to divinity. The records of the trial of Theot suggest an atmosphere of farce.

13. Blum. P. 266: "Why is it," he asked, "that we always have to mention ourselves?"

14. Blum. P. 266: Why can we not defend the public good without defending ourselves?

15. Blum. P. 266: Why have they so bound us to the public interest, that we cannot speak

in favor of the government, of the principles of the National Convention, without seeming to speak of ourselves? [10: 507] 朱文此处照搬此注解，注为：同上, P.507

16. Blum. P. 265: Robespierre's reaction demonstrated the parameters of self-generated virtue in the same way that Rousseau juge de Jeanjacques had done.

17. Blum. P. 266: When Robespierre asked "Why have they bound us to the public interest? (pourquoi nous a-t-on lies a l'interet general?),"

18. Blum. P. 266: Robespierre, like Rousseau, was claiming the right to experience in a passive way as external evil the situation he had actively created, as internal good.

19. Blum. P. 266: the identity between himself and the people, upon which he had so intensely insisted, he now described as an alien and suspicious connection, one designed to make him seem contemptible.

20. Blum. P. 266: It was as if the heroic figure that he called himself were suddenly exposed in a different light, in which it took on a comic aspect.

21. Blum. P. 271: Of all the decrees which have saved the Republic, the most sublime, the only one that wrenched it from corruption's grasp and freed all the people from tyranny, is the one which made virtue and probity the order of the day [18 floreal]. If this decree had been executed, liberty would have been perfectly established and we would not need to make the grandstands ring with our voice; but the men who wear only the mask of virtue put the greatest obstacles into the execution of virtue's own laws. [10: 519] 朱文此处照搬此注解，注为：同上, P.519

22. Blum. P. 271: At most they understand by the word virtue a faithfulness to certain domestic and private obligations, but never the public virtues, never the generous devotion to the cause of the people which is the heroism of virtue and the only support of the Republic, the only pledge of the happiness of the human race. [10: 531] 朱文此处照搬此注解，注为：同上, P.531

23. Blum. P. 271: When virtue was solemnly made the order of the day, the enemies of

the Republic did not associate the idea of every man and every citizen's sacred and sublime duties toward the Fatherland and humanity with the word virtue.

24. Blum. P. 272: Robespierre's last speech, on 8 thermidor, took place before the Convention, where he had not appeared since 24 prairial.

25. Blum. P. 274: This impassioned discourse described, for the last time, Robespierre's

dynamic model of the French Revolution as a fusion in virtue.

26. Blum. P. 273: "I know of only two parties," he continued, "that of the good citizens and that of the bad citizens;

27. Blum. P. 273: patriotism is not a question of party but of the heart.

28. Blum. P. 273: Who will make this distinction? Good sense and justice."

29. Blum. P. 273: What am I saying, Virtue!

30. Blum. P. 274: without which a great revolution is but a dazzling crime which

destroys another crime.

31. Blum. P. 274: Take away my conscience and I am the most miserable of men. [10: 554-56] 朱文此处照搬此注解，注为：同上, P.554-556

朱学勤：《道德理想国的覆灭》

第七章第二节：243至249页

Carol Blum: Rousseau and the Republic of Virtue

布鲁姆：《卢梭与德性共和国》
pp. 182-194

二、道德救赎——重组市民社会

　　奇理斯玛升出了地平线。这是一次辉煌的日出吗？在它化为日落之前，确实是。法国社会学家杜尔凯姆说：“在法国革命最初的几年里，社会固有的那种自我神话或创造神明的倾向空前显著地表现了出来。这种宗教有自己的殉道者和传道者，深深感化了广大群众，最终还产生了一些伟大的事物”。11

　　道德救赎之扩张，当务之急是观念先行，倒果为因，把塑造道德新人的教育革命放在首位。１７９３年６月２３日，雅各宾

执政的第一个月，即公布教育体制改革的法令。（1. Blum，182页最后一行至183页第一段末尾。原文是：雅各宾派认为，社会作为一个整体造就人，不以共和制社会结果取代旧的社会结构，塑造道德新人的努力注定只能失败。所以教育的问题，就放在了首位。朱照搬部分原文，不加注释，又不把Blum的内容理清--即雅各宾派为什么认为教育要先行，反而加上主观的“倒果为因”妄加评断）

　　围绕着塑造新人和教改方案，国民公会展开了激烈辩论。

　　雅各宾党人俾约·瓦伦出版了一本《共和主义基础知识》的小册子，提出革命者必须承担起“提高人民道德”的责任，国家必须代替父权，抓起年轻一代的教育。否则，“你们必将失去年轻的一代”。（2. Blum，183页第1行，第4行，第8-10行）他盛赞斯巴达教育“是转向道德的一个明显例证，这一例证说明，从腐败道德向简朴道德的转化能够进行，而且要比败坏一颗正常心灵更容易、更迅速。人们如何能够怀疑，人生来就有一种不可抗拒的天性，倾向于追求并崇尚美德？” （3. Blum，183页第三段全段逐句照搬翻译；Blum此处给了注释，朱没有。）

（以上全段全部翻译自Blum，没有一处注释。）

　　孔多塞，杰出的数学家，百科全书派当时仅存的一个活着的成员，也提出了一个教改计划，却遭到雅各宾派议员迪朗· 马来纳的讽刺。后者说孔多塞的这一计划是推行百科全书派的唯物主义、非道德主义和无神论，而不是追随卢梭的教诲。（4. Blum，185页第一段第1-2行，第5-8行；全段逐句照搬翻译，没有一处注释；Blum此段英文原文还给了一个注释）

　　迪朗·马来纳的发言又遭到百科全书派的崇拜者雅科· 杜邦的反驳：“迪朗·马来纳竟敢在８月１０日以后重复那位日内瓦哲学家的怀疑和谬论。那位哲学家说什么科学与艺术败坏了道德。我请问迪朗·马来纳先生，所谓道德的败坏，说得如此夸张，以致人们如果按照我们的批评家的看法，是否要

考虑一下，应该把道德和诚实马上从这块自由的土地上驱逐出境？迪朗·马来纳主张限制人的理性，甚至追随专制者的榜样，限定人的思想和能力，而不是让人的思想和能力在共和制度下，进入所有方面，探索所有可能的方式，以扩展人的领域，这种主张实在是太荒谬了”12。（5. Blum，185页第一段最后三行和第二段第1-3行，第7行至末尾。Blum原文是杜邦同时攻击马来纳和卢梭两人，朱只提到攻击马来纳不提卢梭，所以下面一段朱文的第一句就显得很奇怪了）。

        杜邦攻击卢梭，当然不为雅各宾派所容。国民公会拒绝了杜邦意见，将雅各宾一派的佩蒂埃所提出的教改方案提上了议事日程。（6. Blum，185页最后一行至186页第1行；186页3-6行；Blum原文有一个注释，朱文没有）佩蒂埃的方案充满道德理想：“所有的孩子都从父亲身边领走，交由国家教育：教育免费；男孩从５岁到１１岁，女孩从５岁到１２岁，穿同样的衣服，受同样的教育；饮食菜谱有严格规定，禁绝酒和肉类；他们必须割掉与家庭的联系，形成新的人种，爱劳动，有规范，守纪律；他们形成一道不可逾越的屏障，与我们已经腐烂的那一部分人类隔离开来。”13。（7. Blum，186页第8行至第一段末尾）

       有人指责上述方案是“乌托邦”，佩蒂埃的兄弟费里克斯大声争辩说：“乌托邦？他们如此贬低柏拉图和托马斯·莫尔的高尚思想？” 。（8. Blum，186页脚注2-5行。Blum在其中给了注释，朱没有注释。朱连Blum的脚注内容都不放过要抄，却又不象别人Blum提供文献来源）

       与此同时，圣鞠斯特提出了一份更为彻底的方案，勾画了一幅完美的民粹主义社会蓝图。

佩蒂埃的方案仅仅规划了孩子从５岁到１１岁或１２岁的教育。接下来的岁月怎么办呢？或者说，共和国如何规划成年人的道德生活呢？圣鞠斯特写有《共和主义制度》一书，回答了这一问题。（9. Blum，187页最后四行）在这本小册子里，最重要的是这三大方面：教育，道德监护官和抚养与继承，至于经济和政治则从属于道德问题。。（10. Blum，190页第二段全段）

（以上这段，从187页跳跃式抄到190页，都是一字不漏逐句翻译，没有注释） 他比佩蒂埃更为彻底之处在于：

　　母亲抚养孩子，５岁而止。在此之后，孩子交给共和国，直至老死；那种从未哺育过孩子的母亲，在祖国看来，已不能作为母亲而存在；。（11. Blum，190页最后一段第3-6行）孩子５岁后进学校，只能穿布

衣，吃蔬菜、水果，只能饮水，不能喝酒；每晚在地席上睡八小时；他们得学习阅读，写作和游泳，最重要的是他们必须学会坚强；他们将被教育成热爱沉默，厌弃聒絮，他们只学一些简约的词汇；（12. Blum，190页最后五行至191页1-2行）

       从１０岁到１６岁，孩子的教育是军事和农艺；逢收获季节则要下乡支援农业；

从１６岁到２０岁，孩子们必须学会一门精湛的工业技术或农艺技术。２０岁至２５岁，他们必须去服兵役，为祖国而战……。14 （13. Blum, 191页第二段1-2行， 4-6行及该段最后两行）

以上所说都是男孩。至于女孩，圣鞠斯特只用两句话就打发了：女孩归母方家庭抚养；一过１０岁，她们没有父母或其它监护人的陪同，则不能在公开场合露面。（14. Blum, 191页第三段全段） “每一个人到了２５岁，就必须到神庙里去，向众人宣布他的朋友是哪些人。这一宣布必须在每年的风月里更新一次。（如果一个人与朋友断交，他必须向众人说明理由，否则当受惩罚！”）

（15. Blum, 191页第四段第4-9行。Blum原文有注释，朱整段都没有注释，也是逐句翻译。而且，Blum把这两部分是分开的。朱把这两部分放在同一段，也会引起误解，以为只有女性到了25岁才需要这么做）

       卢梭生前所设想的透明社会，也就不过如此？还有甚者：“如果一个人犯了罪，他的朋友也应受惩。因为他朋友不知情，等于说这个朋友在友谊中不受信任，也就是说，这个人没有朋友了，因此，他必须受惩”15。（16. Blum, 191页倒数第8行至倒数第5行）

       这岂不是一种连坐法？但圣鞠斯特之初衷却是，当着瓦解家庭联系的时候，应该代之以公民之间紧密的道德联系，以此奠定新型道德国家的社会基础。（17. Blum, 191页第四段第1-4行。Blum原文有一处注释，朱文没有注释） 为了维持民族的道德联系，还必须对外国人保持警惕：“正是外来者，一代又一代地引导我们走向他们的目标；外国影响造成了叛国者，使得邪恶受到尊崇，美德受到蔑视；他们使我们不得安宁”！16 。（18. Blum, 192页第一段第5-10行）

         最后，在这个民粹主义道德理想国中，还要选举道德模范，设立道德监护：（19. Blum, 192页第二段第1-2行。逐字翻译，没有注释）

　　在每一场革命中，都需要有独裁者来拯救国家，监护者来拯救道德；17 ：（20. Blum, 192页第二段第3-5行）

　　监护者从年满６０岁的男性公民中选出。他们在每年的老人节那天去神庙朝拜，让众人评议。如无非议，他就可以佩上白色值星带，标志他已当选，从此履行对美德的

监护职责；（21. Blum, 192页第二段最后五行）

　　这些佩戴白色值星带的监护者要维护神庙里的烛火长明不灭，重点监督对象是那些官员、军官和议员代表的道德行为。这些人一旦被发现腐败行为，立刻从高位上撤

换下来。监护者要使人敬畏，在公共场合，他们通常是缄默不语，这是一条禁令，任何人不得违反。18 （22. Blum, 192页第三段第3-7行）

（以上两段，Blum标了两个注释，一个是526页，一个是531页，朱文把两段放在一起，只给了一个531页注释）

　　热月政变后，在圣鞠斯特的文件堆里发现有一个法令提纲，宣布建立监护者阶级。圣鞠斯特写道：“救国委员会责成我来宣布下列法令：在法兰西生活的每一个方面都建立监护人…监护制作用于政府，决不能作用于不可腐蚀的人民……”19（23. Blum, 192页最后一段）

         该法令几乎逐字不漏地抄录了他在《共和主义制度》中的那些狂热设想。（24. Blum, 193页第1-2行） 至此，似应承认，雅各宾派并不仅仅崇信行政权力改造市民社会的威力。他们不也有权力制约意识？只是他们所设计的权力制约，原来是以道德监督权力，而不是以权力制约权力。

         在这场教改大辩伦——实际上也是再造新人重组市民社会的大辩论中，罗伯斯庇尔态度如何？

　　１７９３年７月１３日，也就是与圣鞠斯特写作上述小册子的日期同时，罗伯斯庇尔从费里克斯那儿接过佩蒂埃的方案，略加修改后，作为他的提议，向国民公会提出。他的演说词是这样开头的：（25. Blum, 193页第二段第1-4行;该段逐字翻译自Blum，没有注释）

　　国民公会给历史将留下三项足堪纪念的伟业：宪法、 市民法典和公共教育。（26. Blum, 193页第二段第4-6行）

　　征服和胜利的荣耀只不过是过眼烟云。只有美好的制度能够长存，并且德化所有的民族。（27. Blum, 193页第二段第11-13行）

　　我承认，直到目前为止，人们所议论的东西并不符合我长久以来的一个理想：要建立一个完整的教育计划。我已经领受了一套庞大的思想体系，并且考虑过究竟是在哪一关键点上，人类被我们旧的社会制度的罪恶所腐蚀。我确信，必须来一次全盘更新。如果让我以这种方式来表达我的意见，那就是：创造一种全新的人！（28. Blum, 193页第二段最后七行）

　　罗伯斯庇尔把制度和教育作了区分，教育作为观念先行，优先于制度建设：

　　教育联系每一个人，并且泽被天下。然而，现在却被人们忽视了。

　　就我而言，我坚信，我们在确立一种制度以前，必须确立这种制度的基础。制度只能播益于少数人，教育却能播益于所有人。20 ！（29. Blum, 193页最后三行至194页第8行）

（此段朱误解Blum。Blum的原文说罗伯斯庇尔把“教育”(education)与“教学”(instruction)作了区分，朱不懂instruction该翻译成“教学”，而翻译成了“制度”。罗伯斯庇尔认为教学 (instruction) 关注的主要是知识；而教育(education)应该泽被所有人。然后在讨论“教学”时，罗认为制度优先，要确立好的制度基础；因为教学更多只是促进知识层面，只会对少数人有好处，而好的制度对所有人都有好处，因为制度培养与促进好的习性。朱由于对关键的术语理解错了，所以误解成“制度只能播益于少数人”，恰恰相反，罗认为制度重要，能播益于所有人）

　　着重号是我加的。很显然，那套庞大的教育体系领受于卢梭。人类被社会罪恶所腐蚀，必须全盘更新社会制度等，也非卢梭莫属。更重要的是，卢梭“倒果为因，观点先行”的危险观点，在这里开始进入了实践层面。！（30. Blum, 194页第一段最后五行）

注释：

11. 转引自高毅：《法兰西风格——大革命政治文化》，Ｐ１９１。

12. 饶勒斯：《法国革命社会史》，第８卷，Ｐ１０—１２。

13. 同上，Ｐ２５。

14. 《圣鞠斯特全集》，第２卷，Ｐ５１６—５１７。

15. 同上，Ｐ５１９。

16. 同上，Ｐ５０９。

17. 同上，Ｐ５２０。

18.  同上，Ｐ５３１。

19. 同上，Ｐ５３８。

20.《罗伯斯庇尔全集》第１０卷，法兰西大学出版社１９６７年版，Ｐ３１。

1. Blum, p. 182-183: …by projects to establish a system of education. It was the society as a whole, the Jacobins had learned from Rousseau, which formed men, and efforts to lead them to virtue without destroying monarchical social structures and replacing them with republican ones were bound to fail. The question of education, therefore, underlay all other concerns.

2. Blum, p. 183: Jacques-Nicolas Billaud-Varenne,…composed the Elements du republicanisme1…The revolutionaries had to face up to their responsibility to "raise men to virtue" "You will lose the younger generation," Billard-Varenne warned warned, "by abandoning it to parents with prejudices and ignorance... Therefore, let the fatherland take hold of children…”

3. Blum, p. 183: Billaud-Varenne praised the educational efficacy of Sparta, which he termed a "magnanimous nation." "There is the obvious effect of the return to virtue, and this example demonstrates that the transition from depraved morals to austere morals can take place, and more easy and more rapidly than the perversion of an honest heart. How could anyone have questioned that man was born with an irresistible disposition toward searching for and cherishing virtue?"

(p. 38).

4. Blum, p. 185: Condorcet, the celebrated mathematician, friend and disciple of the Encyclopedists, had prepared a detailed plan for the reformation of education…,2 Durand-Maillane, deputy from Bouchesdu-Rhone, attacked it as promoting the materialism, immorality, and atheism of the philosophes rather than following the wisdom of Rousseau…

5. Blum, p. 185: Jacob Dupont, deputy from Indre-et-Loire and admirer of the Encyclopedists, denounced both Durand-Maillane and Rousseau for equating ignorance with virtue: Durand-Maillane has dared to repeat, even after August 10, the sophisms and the paradoxes of the Genevan philosopher who [said] that the sciences and the arts corrupt morals: I ask Durand-Maillane,… What is this so-called corruption of morals, then, so much exaggerated that according to our critics one would have to think that virtue and probity would soon be exiled from the land of liberty?I will confess that Durand-Maillane's assertions seemed most strange to me, when he wanted to circumscribe within certain limits man's reason, or, following the example of the despot, give one direction rather than another to the thought and the hand of man, whereas, under the republican regime, man's thoughts and man's hand can go in all directions and take all possible forms in widening his domain.

6. Blum, p. 185-186: Dupont's liberal, open-ended idea of education… did not correspond to the Jacobin vision…It was the educational project of Michel Le Pelletier de Saint-Fargeau, former great noble elected to the Convention, which was to receive Jacobin endorsement and would eventually…, be reformulated for presentation by Robespierre to the Convention.3

7. Blum, p. 186: The project called for all children to be taken from their parents and raised by the state, free of charge, from the age of five until twelve for boys, and eleven for girls, "all children, without distinction and without exception, will be raised in common

at the expense of the Republic and all, under the holy law of equality, will receive the same clothing, the same nourishment, the same instruction, the same care."

8.Blum, p. 186: Michel's brother, Felix Le Pelletier de Saint-Fargeau, anxious to defend the project against charges of being "Utopian,"… "A Utopia! that's how they tried to denigrate the lofty thoughts of Plato and Thomas More…!" (Jaures, 8: 27).

9. Blum, p. Le Pelletier's ideas, however, regulated the life of the child only from five years until eleven or twelve. How was the Republic to mold the citizenry to virtue the rest of the time? In his Institutions republicaines, Saint-Just addressed himself to this question. 

10. Blum, p. 190: Three areas were accorded special importance: education, the office of censor of morals, and the question of adoption and inheritance. The last appears to have been a matter of great personal concern to the orphaned Saint-Just. 

11.Blum, p. 190: "Children belong to their mother until the age of five, if she has nursed them, and to the republic after that, until death. The mother who has not nursed her baby ceases to be a mother in the eyes of the fatherland" (2: 516-17).

12. Blum, p. There they were to dress in cloth, sleep eight hours a night on mats, eat only roots, fruits, legumes, dairy products, and bread, and drink only water. They might not be petted or struck. They would learn to read, write, and swim. Above all, they must learn to be still. "Children are raised," said Saint-Just, "to love silence and to hold chatterers in contempt. They are trained for laconism" (2: 517).

13. Blum, p. 191: "From age ten to sixteen, the education of children is military and agricultural." …Besides performing these military efforts, they would be "distributed to farmers, at harvest time." From sixteen until twenty-one, boys were to undergo specialized training in farming, manufacturing, or the navy…From twenty-one until twenty-five, they were part of the national militia.

14. Blum, p. 191: The education of girls, however, was dismissed summarily in two

sentences. "Girls are raised in the maternal home," Saint-Just specified; further, "on holidays a virgin over the age of ten may not

appear in public without her mother, father, or tutor."

15. Blum, p. 191: "Every man twenty-five years old," Saint-Just stated, "is obliged to declare in the temple who his friends are. This declaration must be renewed every year during the month of ventose. If a man abandons his friend, he must explain his reasons before the people, in the temples If he refuses, he is banished" (2: 519).

16. Blum, p. 191: If one committed a crime, the other was banished. As for "the one who says he does not believe in friendship, or has no friend, he is banished" (2: 519).

17. Blum, p. 191: One emotional tie was institutionalized to permeate this otherwise abstemious society: masculine friendship. Friendship, the nonbiological tie, neither dictated by the family nor linked to procreation, was elevated to the level of a national principle.8

18. Blum, p. 192: The same thinking led Saint-Just to purge the foreigner, for it was he who introduced corruption into France. It was the alien, who, "from vicissitude to vicissitude has led us to his ends," and who, Saint-Just said elsewhere, "troubles our repose." According to Saint-Just, it is "the foreign influence which forms traitors, or has the Gracchi killed, causes crime to be honored and virtue proscribed" (2:

509).

19. Blum, p. 192: The second key institution of the republic of virtue would be a class of "censors" or "magistrates to provide the example of morals."

20. Blum, p. 192: "In every revolution," he wrote, "it is necessary to have a dictator to save the State by force, or censors to save it by virtue" (2: 530).

21. Blum, p. 192: "Men who have always led blameless lives will wear a white sash at

the age of sixty. They will present themselves for this purpose in the temple on the day of the festival of old age, to be judged by their

fellow citizens. If no one accuses them, they will take the white sash. Respect for old age is a cult in our society" (2: 526).

22. Blum, p. 192: Their principal function, however, was supervising the morals of public officials, army officers, and elected

representatives. They were to rid high office of corruption. These awesome figures pursued their ends in a Saint-Justian silence: "It is

forbidden for censors to speak in public" (2: 531).

23. Blum, p. After Thermidor a project for a decree was found among his papers, one proposing the establishment of a class of

censors. Saint-Just restated the arguments he had put forth in the Institutions but now declared: "The Committee of Public Safety has

charged me with presenting the following decree" (2: 538). He then went on to dictate the terms of an actual law, establishing censors in each district in France. "This censorship is exercised upon the government," he stipulated, "and cannot be exercised upon the incorruptible people."

24. Blum, p. 193: The articles of the decrees are either paraphrases of the Institutions or word-for-word transpositions.

25. Blum, p. 193: On July 13, 1793, a few months after Saint-Just had probably written most of his Institutions, Robespierre presented the Convention with his version of Le Pelletier's plan for education. He began by declaring the importance of the subject.

26.  Blum, p. 193: "The National Convention owes three monuments to history," he declared, "the Constitution, the code of civil laws, and public education."

27. Blum, p. 193: "For the glory of conquests and victories is sometimes ephemeral, but beautiful institutions remain and they immortalize nations."

28.  Blum, p. 193: "I confess that what has been said up until now does not correspond to the idea I have formed for myself of a complete plan for education. I have dared to conceive vaster thoughts; and considering to what point the human species is degraded by the vice of our former social system, I am convinced of the necessity of operating a total regeneration, and, if I may express myself in this way, of creating a new people."

29. Blum, p. 193-194: He addresses the distinction between "education" and "instruction." The latter, concerned with intellectual achievements, in Robespierre's opinion, and in any case was of secondary importance. "Education," on the other hand, "must be common to everyone and universally beneficial. [The Committee] has entirely neglected it." Before the question of instruction, Robespierre placed priority upon the necessity for "institution": "For my part, I believed we had to lay foundations for the institution of the public before instruction. The latter profits a few people, the former is for the good of all. Instruction propagates useful knowledge, institutions create and propagate necessary habits" (10: 31).

30. Blum, p. 194: Thus Robespierre… incorporated it into a bold new program for France, one designed to move from the page into the lives of the people, destroying the "aristocratic" mentality inherent in family life and substituting for it a new consciousness, one derived from institutions generating a virtuous race.