采访尼泊尔共产党（毛主义）高级领导人巴塔拉依
翻译：红石
2006年7月14日，尼泊尔共产党（毛主义）和七党联盟中的两个最大政党（尼泊尔大会党和尼泊尔共产党-联合马列）在Godavari举行了非正式会议。以下是尼泊尔共产党（毛主义）高级领导人巴塔拉依在会后接受尼泊尔新闻媒体Kantipur的采访摘要。
By Akhilesh Tripathi and Ujir Magar
Excerpts of a recent interview with senior Maoist leader Dr Baburam Bhattarai:
Q. What agreements were reached between you and the leaders of the Nepali Congress and CPN-UML, two largest parties of the Seven Party Alliance (SPA), at the informal meeting at Godavari on July 14?
问：7月14日，你们和七党联盟中的两个最大政党（尼泊尔大会党和尼泊尔共产党-联合马列）在Godavari举行的非正式会议达成了什么协议？
Dr Baburam Bhattarai: The eight-point agreement signed between the CPN-M and the SPA on June 16 is a milestone for peace and progressive change in Nepal. This agreement was a concrete step forward towards resolving the 10-year-old conflict. The most important understanding reached at Godavari is, as mentioned in the eight-point agreement, to dissolve the reinstated House of Representatives, which represents the old regime, and our people's government, which is the new regime, and form an interim regime. Another important understanding is to keep both the armies (Maoist People's Liberation Army and Nepal Army) under reliable international monitoring until the Constituent Assembly elections. Thus the Godavari meeting helped clear the uncertainties over the dissolution of the House that surfaced after the eight-point agreement. We all agreed that there is no alternative to the eight-point agreement.
巴塔拉依：6月16日，尼泊尔共产党（毛主义）和七党联盟达成的8点协议是尼泊尔和平与进步发展的里程碑。这个协议制定了解决10年武装冲突的具体步骤。Godavari会议达成的最重要的一点共识，同8点协议提到的一样，就是解散被恢复的议会（代表旧政权）和我们的人民政府（新政权），建立临时政府。另一个重要共识是在制宪会议选举前由可靠的国际组织监督双方的军队（毛主义人民解放军和尼泊尔国家军）这次Godavari 会议澄清了8点协议达成后在解散议会方面的模糊认识。我们一致认为除了8点协议没有其它选择。
Q. Now there is talk about forming an interim parliament by dissolving the HoR. What is this interim parliament? Will the existing parliament be expanded by including representatives from your party to make it the interim parliament? What will be the structure and size of the interim parliament?
现在有个说法是成立临时议会代替被解散的议会。这个临时议会是怎样的？能否把当前的议会扩大，使其包括你党的代表而成为临时议会呢？临时议会的结构和规模是怎样的？
Bhattarai: The existing parliament has neither legitimacy nor full representation. The parliamentary parties, just to ensure their role, reinstated it on May 2 by reaching an agreement with the king. Therefore, the dissolution of this parliament is inevitable. There is no question of we joining or sharing this parliament. We have been demanding the dissolution of this parliament from the very beginning and the eight-point deal has made it quite clear. After the dissolution of this parliament, we need an alternative arrangement, which can exercise sovereignty and state authority during the interim period. Therefore, it has been our demand from the beginning to hold a wider political conference of all the three forces of the democratic movement- the Maoist party, SPA and the civil society- to form an Interim Council, which would function as the interim legislature and would represent all the three forces. Some have named this interim legislature as the interim parliament. Only the seven parties are represented in the current parliament. We need an interim legislature, which represents the other two forces, our party and the civil society, as well. The interim constitution to be formed will have provisions for the interim legislature, executive and judiciary. We will need a constitutional court (interim judiciary). Otherwise, the current judiciary may create hurdles in the way forward.
巴塔拉依：当前的议会既不具有合法性，也不具有充分代表性。议会政党仅仅是为了确保他们的权力，才在5月2日与国王取得一致恢复这个议会。因此，解散议会是不可避免的。这里不存在我们加入或分担议会的问题。我们一开始就要求解散这个议会，这在8点协议中也讲的很清楚。解散议会后，我们会有一个在过渡时期行使国家主权的过渡机构。那就是，从一开始我们就强调召开一个包括全部三方民主力量（毛主义党、七党联盟和国民社团）参加的广泛的政治大会，成立临时委员会，它将代表三方行使临时立法权。有人称这个临时立法机构为临时议会。当前的议会中只有七个政党的代表。我们需要一个也代表另外两方，即我们党和国民社团的临时会议。正在起草的临时宪法会包含临时立法、行政和司法的相关规定。我们需要一个维护宪法的法院（临时司法机构），否则，当前的司法部门会在前进的道路上制造很多障碍。
采访尼泊尔共产党（毛主义）高级领导人巴塔拉依（二）
Q. What will be the position of the king in the interim constitution?
在临时宪法中，国王的地位会怎样呢？
Bhattarai: This issue, too, figured in the Godavari meeting. It is our proposal that we should announce a democratic republic in the interim constitution itself because this is the mandate of the April movement. A democratic republic has always been our agenda. Most of the parties in the SPA and a majority of the civil society, too, are in favour of a democratic republic.
巴塔拉依：这个问题在Godavari会议上也提到了。我们建议在临时宪法中宣布民主共和国，因为那是四月人民运动的要求。民主共和国一直是我们的议程，七党联盟的大多数政党和国民社团的大多数也同意民主共和国。
Q. It could be the demand or stand of your party. But what decision was reached between you and the SPA regarding the king's position in the interim constitution?
那应该是你们党的要求和立场。但是在关于临时宪法中规定的国王地位的问题上，你们和七党联盟达成了什么决议？
Bhattarai: We will discuss this issue in the meting of the top Maoist and SPA leaders on July 21 (Summit Talks). This will be a major agenda at the summit talks. We will also discuss the modalities of interim security, interim legislature, restructuring of the state and the electoral system. These will be the major agendas of the summit talks.
巴塔拉依：我们将在7月21日毛主义党和七党联盟领导人高峰会谈时讨论这个问题。这会是峰会的主要议题。我们还将讨论临时安全形式，临时立法，重建国家和选举制度。这些会是峰会的主要议题。
Q. What will happen to the proclamations the HoR has made so far and the annual budget announced by the SPA government last week?
议会和七党联盟政府上星期宣布年度预算后将会发生什么事呢？
Bhattarai: We will have to announce a new budget after the formation of the interim government. Therefore he (Finance Minister) made a ridiculous attempt (by presenting the budget). It was totally unnecessary. He made the budget speech without consulting us. We feel that it was just a waste of time and energy.
巴塔拉依：在组建临时政府后我们会宣布一个新预算。财政部长公布预算的行为是荒谬的，完全没有必要，他公布预算并没有同我们商量。我们认为那是浪费时间和精力。
We will incorporate the positive proclamations of this House and also the positive provisions of the 1990 Constitution into the interim constitution.
我们会在临时宪法中采纳当前议会所做的积极决议和1990年宪法中的积极条文。
Q. You mean the interim government to be formed will announce another budget?
你的意思是，即将成立的临时政府会再宣布一个预算？
Bhattarai: Definitely. There will be a new structure (interim government) and a new power balance. A new plan will be chalked out for the social, economic transformation. Then there obviously will have to be a new budget.
巴塔拉依：的确是的。会有一个新机构（临时政府）和新的权力平衡，会起草一个有关社会和经济改革的新方案，那当然也要有一个新预算。
Q. Going back to the concept of this interim parliament, how will it be represented? Will the existing political separation of the country into 14 zones, 75 districts and 205 electoral constituencies, be followed to choose the representatives of the interim parliament or will there be any other method?
让我们回到临时议会这个话题，它的代表是如何产生的？是不是以当前的行政区，即14个专区，75个地区和205个选区来选举临时议会的代表，或者采用其它办法呢？
Bhattarai: This is an issue to be settled through consensus among the political forces. In the interim legislature, the seven parties will be one side, we (Maoists) another side and the civil society and other professional organisations the third side. The interim legislature will have the representation of all these three sides. The number (of representatives in the interim parliament) will be decided through consensus among all the forces.
巴塔拉依：这是一个需要在各政治力量中达成共识的问题。在临时立法机构中，七党是一方，我们（毛主义者）是另一方，国民社团和其他专业组织是第三方。临时议会中代表的数量将由各方达成的共识决定。
Q. Who will lead the interim government?
谁将领导临时政府？
Bhattarai: We are yet to discuss this issue. This can be settled through discussions.
巴塔拉依：我们还未讨论这一问题。这可以通过协商解决。
Q. Are you ready to join an interim government led by, let's say, the Nepali Congress or the CPN-UML?
你们会参加一个由尼泊尔大会党或尼泊尔共产党（联合马列）领导的临时政府吗？
Bhattarai: The Interim Constitution will decide on that. We shouldn’t consider the past while looking at it; (Nepali) Congress and UML will be just a part of it. A new power equilibrium has emerged after the recent people's movement. Congress and the UML are old forces. We think they do not represent the new balance of power.
巴塔拉依：临时宪法会确定这个问题。我们不应总盯着过去，尼泊尔大会党和尼泊尔共产党（联合马列）将来只是一部分政治力量。最近的人民运动后，一个新的政治平衡出现了。大会党和尼共（联合马列）是旧势力，我们认为他们不能代表新的力量平衡。
Q. What will happen to your army?
你们的军队如何解决呢？
Bhattarai: We have made ourselves clear on this issue earlier. Both armies (PLA and Nepal Army) will be kept at specific locations under international monitoring until the Constituent Assembly elections so that they remain inactive and cannot interfere with the elections. We will reach an understanding to develop a mechanism for this so that the elections are held in a free and fair manner. What I would like to add here is- this issue also figured in the Godavari meeting and we and some other parties expressed concern over it- the democratisation of the royal army which has now been renamed as the Nepal Army is a major question. But this issue is not being widely debated. People are raising questions about the management of only the PLA, which is a pro-democratic army. But nobody cares about the democratisation of the Nepal Army which is still a royal army and which is anti-democratic. This is a major issue and should be properly settled by the interim constitution. If this army is not democratised in the interim period itself, it may create hurdles in the way to constituent assembly elections.
巴塔拉依：关于这个问题，我们以前已经讲得很清楚。在制宪会议选举前，双方军队（人民解放军和尼泊尔国家军）将驻扎在特定地区由国际监督，这样限制军队活动，使他们不能干扰选举。我们将为此达成共识并建立一个机构，使选举以自由和公正的方式进行。在这里我要补充的是，这个问题在 Godavari会议上也提到了，我们和其他一些政党很重视，尼泊尔王军（现在叫尼泊尔国家军）的民主化成为主要问题。但是这一问题没有进行广泛讨论。人们只是提出管理人民解放军即民主军队的问题。而没有人关心尼泊尔国家军的民主化这支军队在本质上仍是王军，是不民主的军队。这是一个主要问题，应该通过临时宪法恰当地解决。如果这支军队在过渡时期不能民主化，那它会在通往制宪会议的道路上制造很多障碍。
采访尼泊尔共产党（毛主义）高级领导人巴塔拉依（三）
Q. NC leader Ramchandra Poudel, who also was present in the Godavari meeting, has said that the present House of Representatives cannot be dissolved.
尼泊尔大会党领导人Ramchandra Poudel也出席了 Godavari 会议，他说当前的议会不能解散。
Bhattarai: We have already reached an agreement (to dissolve the House). How can he say that now? This will merely be an attempt to block the peace process and invite conflict; it will be suicidal for them (seven parties). Backing away from the agreement would be a violation of the agreement and would mean continuation of the conflict.
巴塔拉依：我们已经达成了解散议会的协议。他现在怎能那样说呢？这样只能阻挡和平进程并引发冲突。对于七党来说，那将是自杀。回到协议以前就是违背协议，并意味着冲突的继续。
Q. At the Godavari meeting, an agreement was reached to help rehabilitate the people who have been displaced and whose land and property have been seized by your party during the 10 years of conflict. When will this agreement be implemented?
在Godavari 会议上，达成了一项协议，就是帮助恢复在10年冲突中那些被你们党夺去的移民的土地和财产。这个协议何时执行？
Bhattarai: It has been made clear in the 12-point understanding, eight-point understanding and the 25-point (ceasefire) code of conduct. Its implementation has also begun. Some difficulties have, however, been observed in the implementation process at some places. To address this, an agreement has been reached to form a mechanism at the central level with representatives from all parties. The problems seen in the implementation will be settled by this mechanism as per the 12-point understanding.
巴塔拉依：关于这一点在12点协议、8点协议和25点停火协议中讲得很清楚。它的执行也已经开始。然而，一些地区在执行过程中出现了些困难。为了解决此事，我们已经达成共识建立一个由各政党代表参加的中央机构。这个机构会根据12点协议解决执行中出现的问题。
Q. We have a situation here where the current SPA government has accepted ceremonial monarchy; it has even allocated a certain budget for the royal palace. On the other hand, your dialogue with the government, too, is going side by side. Is it an indication that your party, too, has accepted a ceremonial monarchy?
我们目前的情况是，当前的七党联盟政府已经接受了君主立宪制，甚至已给皇室分配了一定的预算。另外，你们和政府的对话也同时在进行。那是否表明你们党也接受君主立宪制呢？
Bhattarai: There is no question of us accepting any form of monarchy. No one should be confused. A democratic republic has been our continuous demand since the royal palace massacre in 2001.
巴塔拉依：我们不会接受任何形式的君主制。应该清楚，我们在2001年王室大屠杀后就一直要求成立民主共和国。
Q. What will be the king's situation when you join the interim government?
当你们参加临时政府时，国王的处境会怎样呢？
Bhattarai: Our proposal is, let's declare Nepal a democratic republic through the interim constitution itself. But it is still under discussion. Let's see how it goes. It won't be appropriate to say more than this right now.
巴塔拉依：我们的建议是，通过临时宪法宣布尼泊尔为民主共和国。但这仍在讨论。让我们拭目以待，现在只能讲这些。
Q. Your party and the SPA were together in the April Movement. The recent political change was possible through your joint efforts. But in the aftermath of the movement, there still seems to be some lack of trust between your party and the SPA. Many times you have acted like rebels and the SPA as the state. What could be the reasons?
在四月人民运动中，你们党和七党联盟是在一起的。当前的政局变化也可能取决于你们的共同努力。但是人民运动之后，在你们和七党联盟之间似乎仍然缺少些信任。许多时候，你们的行为象是造反，而七党联盟象是执政。为什么？
Bhattarai: The main reason is the seven parties sometimes forget that the main fight is against the monarchy. We realised that we cannot defeat the monarchy by fighting against it separately. Therefore we launched a joint movement. The 12-point understanding was an expression of this realisation. The movement became successful because of the 12-point understanding. And the movement's mandate is to abolish monarchy and establish a democratic republic. But they (SPA) sometimes forget that the monarchy is our common enemy and start considering us as their enemy. Their lies the problem. At the Godavari meeting, we raised this issue and asked them, "Who do you consider your main enemy- we or the king?" Then they accepted that the king is the common enemy.
巴塔拉依：主要原因是有时七党忘记了主要斗争对象是国王。我们认识到我们不能仅靠自身击败国王。因此，我们发动了联合运动。12点协议就是这种联合的表现。人民运动因为12点协议而胜利了。运动的要求是废除君主制，建立民主共和国。但是他们（七党联盟）有时忘记了国王是我们共同的敌人而开始认为我们是他们的敌人。他们的谎言就是问题。在Godavari 会议上，我们提出问题并问他们，“你们认为谁是你们主要的敌人-我们还是国王？”于是他们承认国王是共同的敌人。
Q. Isn't your armed force also a reason for their worry and the lack of trust between you?
难道你们的军队不也是他们担心的并对你们缺乏信任的一个原因吗？
Bhattarai: Our arms are not against them (SPA) and democracy. They are against the monarchy and the royal army. They don't need to fear our arms. We told them (SPA leaders, at Godavari) that they don't fear the weapons of the king, who has cheated them time and again, but always raise the issue of our arms. Then they realised and agreed for the democratisation of the royal army. This has pushed us closer to the meeting point.
巴塔拉依：我们的军队不是反对他们（七党联盟）和民主的。他们反对君主制和王军。他们不必害怕我们的军队。我们在Godavari会议上告诉七党联盟领导人，说他们不害怕国王的武器，尽管国王曾多次欺骗过他们，却总是提出关于我们武装的问题。于是他们认识到这点并同意王军民主化。这促进了我们的对话。
Q. Some parliamentarians are saying that the dissolution of parliament will create a vacuum which could encourage the regressive elements.
一些议员说一旦解散议会就会造成真空，那将有利于反动分子。
Bhattarai: This has no logic. What did this parliament do? Could it stop the King's autocracy? Could it stop his February 1 move? Everybody should be clear that this parliament was reinstated by the popular movement based on the 12-point understanding. This parliament was revived through people power. Thus it is clear that this parliament is nothing in itself; the king can do anything with it whenever he likes. Therefore it's not important whether this parliament remains or not; the most important thing is unity of the people, the unity among the allies of the democratic movement. If the unity among the democratic forces is strong, we can form a body that can exercise sovereignty and state authority.
巴塔拉依：这不符合逻辑。这个议会做了些什么？它制止国王的独裁了吗？它制止国王“2月1日政变”了吗？所有人都应该清楚这个议会是由于在12点协议基础上发动的人民运动才被恢复的。这个议会是由于人民的力量才复活的。那么很明显这个议会不再是从前那样，国王不能再利用它为所欲为。因此这个议会保留与否已不重要，关键是团结人民，团结各民主运动派别。如果团结的民主力量足够强大，我们就能够建立一个机构行使主权和国家职权。
采访尼泊尔共产党（毛主义）高级领导人巴塔拉依（四）
Q. Ambassadors of some powerful countries have said that if the Maoists join an interim government without decommissioning their army, then the interim government formed in this way will not get international acknowledgement and support. What do you say?
问：一些强国的大使说过，如果毛主义者没有解散他们的军队就参加临时政府，那么以这种方式建立的临时政府将不会得到国际承认和支持。您怎么看？
Bhattarai: This is not based on facts. World history of conflict resolution shows that nowhere in the world- from South Africa to, Guatemala of Latin America to East Timor to Ireland- have the rebels given up arms before the final step of the conflict resolution process. People like Moriarty who are saying so have forgotten world history. We shouldn't be disillusioned by such statements.
巴塔拉依：这不符合事实。解决冲突的世界历史证明，从南非到拉丁美洲的危地马拉，再到东帝汶和爱尔兰， 世界上没有一个地方在解决冲突进程的最后一步以前，造反者会放下武器。象Moriarty说那种话的人已经忘记了世界历史。我们应该对这种言论保持清醒头脑。
Q. You don't want permanent management of your arms before the constituent assembly elections. This means you are keeping the option to go back to war open until the elections?
问：你们不想使你们的军队在制宪会议选举前受到永久的管理。这意味着你们一直准备着在选举前回到战争状态。
Bhattarai: What about the arms of the royal army that have been time and again used against democracy since 1960? It's clear that the royal army's weapons are not under the government's control. Recently the generals went to the palace to greet the king and fired cannons to celebrate his birthday against the government's directive. This clearly shows the royal army, whose name has been changed, is not under government control. Therefore, the real danger is from the royal army.
巴塔拉依：从1960年以来，尼泊尔王军不是一直被用来镇压民主吗？要清楚，尼泊尔王军的武器并不受政府的控制。最近，一些将军们违背政府指令到王宫参见国王并放礼炮给他过生日。这说明王军虽然名称变了，却并不受政府控制。因此，真正的危险来自于王军。
Q. You participated in the past peace talks also. How much hopeful are you of the success of the peace process this time?
您也参加过过去的和谈。您认为这次和平进程成功的希望有多大？
Bhattarai: The situation is different now. This time we and the SPA jointly launched the movement based on the 12-point understanding. In this way, we are friendly forces of the movement. The monarchy is much weaker now as compared to the past. If the unity among the seven parties, our party and the civil society is strengthened, we can defeat the monarchy and ensure the establishment of a democratic republic and peace in the country. Therefore, we are much hopeful of the success of the peace process this time. But we are not completely assured. The SPA leadership will have to play a progressive role for the success of the peace process.
巴塔拉依：现在情况不同了。这次我们和七党联盟在12点协议的基础上共同发动了人民运动。在这方面，我们是运动中的友好力量。现在皇室的力量比以前弱多了。如果七党联盟，我们党和国民社团的联合得到加强，我们就能击败国王并确保建立民主共和国以及国家和平。因此，我们非常希望这次和谈能成功。但是我们不能完全保证。七党联盟领导人必须为和平进程的胜利发挥进步的作用。
From our side, we will do all we can to make the peace process successful. Because we really want the restructuring of the state and all problems related to caste, region and gender resolved. We want peace. We are committed and will try to establish peace in the country until the end. But if some international powers intervene and do not let this happen, people will rise up again. But, as our chairman has also said, we won't return to the jungle. We will lead the rebellion from here in Kathmandu.
从我们方面，我们会尽最大努力使和谈成功。因为我们真的想重建国家并解决与种姓、地区和性别有关的一切问题。我们想要和平。我们会努力在国内建立和平而坚持到最后。但是，如果一些国际力量干涉而不让这个理想实现，那么人民会再次起义。但是，就象我们的主席讲的，我们不会再回到丛林。我们将在加德满都这里领导起义。
Q. You won't return to war?
你们不会回到战争，是吗？
Bhattarai: Surely not. The entire Nepali people want peace and progressive change in the country. Then how can we want war? The people should rise up against and defeat those who want war. We will help the people in that rebellion.
巴塔拉依：当然不会。全体尼泊尔人民想要和平以及国家的进步转变。那么我们怎会要战争呢？人民会起来反对和击败那些想要战争的人。我们会帮助人民起义。
Q. Your party quite often talks about the restructuring of the state. How do you plan to restructure the state? How different will it be from the existing political separation of the country into five development regions, 14 zones and 75 districts?
你们党经常谈到重建国家。你们计划怎样重建国家？那同当前的把行政区分为5个发展地区，14个专区和75个地区有什么不同吗？
Bhattarai: These development regions, zones and districts are just the revenue collection units of the old regime. These administrative units which they have made to maintain the so-called law and order are very much centralized and represent a unitary state. This did not solve the problems of the people. We should change this unitary state system into a federal state system based on regional autonomy. This can be done based on the nine different autonomous regions which we have formed- Seti, Mahakali, Karnali, Magarat, Tamuwan, Newa, Tamang, Kirant and Madhes autonomous regions. This is the restructuring of the state we have been talking about.
巴塔拉依：这些发展地区、专区和地区仅仅是旧政权的税收单位。这些他们用来维持所谓的法律和秩序的行政单位太集中了，反映了单一的国体。这不能解决人民的问题。我们将把这种单一国家变为在地区自治基础上的联邦国家。这将是我们已经建立的9个不同的自治区-Seti, Mahakali, Karnali, Magarat, Tamuwan, Newa, Tamang, Kirant 和 Madhes自治区。这就是我们谈到的国家重建。
Q. Does the SPA agree with this concept of yours?
七党联盟同意你们的想法吗？
Bhattarai: We are discussing this with the SPA. Some parties of the SPA have agreed while some are not clear about it. This too will be a major agenda at the Summit talks. It is our firm stand that the restructuring of the state should be done based on the federal governance system.
巴塔拉依：我们正在和七党联盟讨论这个问题。七党联盟中的一些党同意而另一些态度不明朗。这也会是峰会的主要议题之一。我们坚持在联邦体制基础上重建国家。
Q. Some say that you will return to the jungle again if the constituent assembly elections are not as per your expectations?
有人说，如果制宪会议选举不象你们期待的那样，你们会再次回到丛林。
Bhattarai: No way. We will not return to the jungle. In the first place, we don't think that the Nepali people will not support our forward-looking agenda in the constituent assembly elections. We are, in fact, convinced that the people will vote for peace, complete democracy and progressive change, if free and fair constituent assembly elections are held. However, it is our public commitment that we will accept the elections result even if it is not as per our expectation. Then we will continue peaceful struggle until we can achieve the progressive change we want.
巴塔拉依：不可能。我们不会回到丛林。首先，我们不认为尼泊尔人民不会支持我们在制宪会议选举中的远景计划。事实上，我们相信，如果举行自由公平的制宪会议选举，人民会投票支持和平、完全民主和进步转变。然而，我们公开承诺即使结果不是我们期待的，我们也会接受。那么我们会不断进行和平斗争直到我们实现我们想要的进步转变。
Q. Will the interim constitution have a ceremonial or any other form of monarchy?
临时宪法会包括形式上的或其它方式的君主制吗？
Bhattarai: It won't be acceptable to us. We have already said that we should declare Nepal a democratic republic in the preamble of the interim constitution. This is our proposal and is still under discussion.
巴塔拉依：我们不会接受这个。我们已经在临时宪法导言中宣布尼泊尔为民主共和国。这是我们的建议并仍在讨论中。
Q. But isn't it that the major parties of the SPA want to keep a ceremonial or some other form of monarchy?
但是，七党联盟中的主要政党不是想保留形式上的或其它类型的君主制吗？
Bhattarai: Their relevance will end if they do not realize the need of history. In Nepal, monarchy is a regressive force, parliamentary parties or the SPA are status quo-ist forces, and we are a progressive force. Right now, the progressive and status quo-ist forces should unite to defeat the regressive force.
巴塔拉依：如果他们不满足历史的需要，那他们的生命就会终结。在尼泊尔，皇室是反动势力，议会政党或七党联盟是中间平衡力量，我们是进步力量。现在进步和中间平衡力量应该联合起来打败反动势力。
Q. But some people are saying that it will be more democratic to let the people decide the fate of monarchy in the constituent assembly elections. What's your take on this?
问：但是，一些说让人民在制宪会议选举中决定皇室的命运更民主些。您怎么看？
Bhattarai: The constituent assembly will decide on the restructuring of the state by resolving the social, economic and cultural problems. Therefore, the fate of monarchy should be decided before the constituent assembly elections. Our alternative proposal is, let's decide the fate of the monarchy during the constituent assembly elections. Let's give the people a choice between monarchy or a democratic republic through a separate referendum while holding the constituent assembly elections. The referendum will decide the fate of monarchy and the constituent assembly elections the restructuring of the state. We will discuss this proposal also.
巴：制宪会议是通过解决社会、经济和文化问题来决定国家重建。因此，皇室的命运应在制宪会议选举前决定。我们的建议是，让我们在制宪会议选举中决定皇室的命运。让我们通过召开制宪会议选举给人民一个在君主制和民主共和国之间进行公民投票的机会。公民投票将决定皇室的命运，而制宪会议选举决定国家重建。我们还会讨论这个提议。
Posted on: 2006-07-17 04:19:54
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