“美国例外论”的五大错觉

“美国例外论”的五大错觉　　

参考消息，　2011年11月21日　　　

文章认为，美国人津津乐道的“美国例外论”基本上是一种错觉。关于美国道义地位优越的大多数说法都失实，美国人过多地揽下全球进步的功劳，却极力粉饰其不那么光鲜的一面。美国远非一个所作所为与其他大国迥异的独一无二的国家，它首先追求的是自身利益　　

【美国《外交政策》杂志11月号文章】题：“美国例外论”的错觉（　美国哈佛大学约翰·肯尼迪政治学院国际问题教授斯蒂芬·沃尔特）　　

　　过去两个世纪以来，美国的名人们称美国是“自由帝国”，是“山巅闪耀之城”，是“地球上最后最美好的希望”，是“自由世界的领袖”，是“不可或缺的国家”。大多数“美国例外论”言论认为，美国的价值观念、政治体制和历史是无与伦比的，值得全世界景仰。它们还暗示，美国在世界舞台上发挥独特和积极的作用是命中注定的，它有这个权利。　　

　　对美国全球角色的这种沾沾自喜的描述只有一点是错误的，即：它基本上是一种错觉。毫无异议地信奉“美国例外论”使美国人更加难以理解为什么其他人对美国的主导地位兴味索然，往往对美国的政策感到担忧，并且经常对他们眼里的美国虚伪表现感到愤怒，无论所涉及的话题是关于拥有核武器和遵守国际法，还是关于美国总是谴责其他国家的行为却无视自身的缺点。具有讽刺意味的是，如果美国人不那么坚信自己无可匹敌的德行，并且不那么急切地予以宣扬，那么美国的外交政策大概会更有成效。　　

总之，我们要更加切合实际、更加审慎严谨地评估美国的真实特性与贡献。本着这种精神，我在这里谈一谈关于“美国例外论”的五大错觉。　　

　　错觉一：“美国例外论”确有非凡之处　　

　　每当美国领导人提及美国的“独特”责任时，他们的言下之意就是，美国有别于其他国家，这些差别要求他们肩负起特殊的重担。　　

　　但这种夸夸其谈没什么不同寻常的，说这些话的人其实是在走一条老路。大多数大国都自视高人一等，在把它们的喜好强加给他国时认定自己是在行善。英国人认为自己挑起了“白人的重担”，法国殖民主义者用“教化义务”来为他们的帝国辩护。帝国扩张活动乏善可陈的葡萄牙认定自己是在从事某种教化事业。就连许多前苏联官员也发自内心地认为他们正引领世界朝着社会主义的乌托邦前进。　　

因此，美国人宣称他们不同寻常和不可或缺不过是在老调重弹罢了。在大国当中，认为自己具有特殊性是常态，不是例外现象。　　

　　错觉二：美国比其他国家表现得要好　　

　　“美国例外论”基于这样一种信念：美国是一个无比正直善良的国家，它爱好和平、崇尚自由、尊重人权、施行法治。美国人喜欢认为他们的国家比其他国家做得好得多，当然也就比其他大国做得要好。　　

　　要真是这样就好了。但公正冷静地回顾一下历史会发现，关于美国道义优越地位的大多数说法都失实。　　

　　首先，美国是现代史上最具有扩张主义色彩的一个大国。它刚开始只有东海岸的13块小殖民地，但在1846年从墨西哥手中夺取了得克萨斯、亚利桑那、新墨西哥和加利福尼亚，最终将版图扩大到北美西海岸。在这个过程中，美国消灭了大多数土著人，井将幸存者驱赶到荒凉贫瘠的保留地。到19世纪中叶，美国已经确立了它在西半球的霸权。　　

　　从那以来，美国打了无数场仗——有不少是它挑起的，它在战时的所作所为根本称不上是克制忍让的楷模。1899-1902年征伐菲律宾行动导致了20万到40万菲律宾人丧生，其中大多数是平民。第二次世界大战期间，美国及其盟国毫不犹豫地在空袭中炸死30．5万德国平民和33万日本平民。难怪指挥对日轰炸的李梅将军告诉助手：“假如美国战败，我们都将成为战犯遭到起诉。”美国在印度支那战争期间投下了超过600万吨的炸弹，其中包括成吨的凝固汽油弹和致命的脱叶剂如橙剂。那场战争中约有100万平民丧生，美国对其中许多人的死亡负有直接责任。　　

　　再往后，得到美国支持的尼加拉瓜反对派发动内战导致了约3万尼加拉瓜人丧生，按人口比例计算相当于死去200万美国人。过去30年间，美国的军事行动直接或间接地造成了25万穆斯林死亡，其中超过10万人死于2Q03年攻占伊拉克以后。美国无人机和特种部队目前在至少5个国家追杀恐怖分子嫌疑人，在这个过程中不知道已经置多少无辜平民于死地。然而，如果有外国对美国做出这种举动，美国人肯定会认为其不可原谅，可是几乎没有哪个美国政治家质疑过这些政策。美国人反而不明白：“他们为什么恨我们？”　　

　　美国在人权和国际法问题上说得天花乱坠，却拒绝签署大多数人权条约，不是《国际刑事法院罗马规约》的缔约国，而且特别喜欢讨好人权记录劣迹斑斑的独裁者——还记得我国的老朋友胡斯尼·穆巴拉克吗？假如这还不够，那么，阿布格里卜虐囚、小布什政府对水刑的滥用、非常规引渡和预防性拘留当能动摇美国关于其所作所为始终具有道义优越性的信念。奥巴马决定保留其中的许多政策，说明这些政策绝非暂时的偏差。　　

史实是清清楚楚的：在遇到外部危险时，美国领导人做了他们觉得自己必须做的事，极少关注道义原则。美国无比善良正直的看法或许能让美国人感到欣慰，可惜并不属实。　　

　　错觉三：美国的成功得益于其特殊天赋　　

　　美国取得的成就引人注目，美国人往往认为他们崛起为世界强国是开国元勋们的政治远见、美国宪法的优点、对个人自由的重视以及美国人民的创造力和辛勤劳动直接造就的。按照这种说法，美国如今享有特殊的全球地位是因为美国的确特殊。　　

　　这个版本的美国历史不乏真实之处。移民蜂拥来到美国寻求经济机遇绝非偶然，“熔炉论”促进了一波又一波新美国人的同化。美国的科学技术成就完全值得称颂，而且多多少少应归功于美国政治秩序的开放性和活力。　　

但是美国以往的成就既得益于美国无与伦比的优点，也得益于美国的好运。这个国家刚建立时的好运在于这片大陆拥有丰富的自然资源，可通航的河流纵横交错。它的好运还在于它与其他大国相隔甚远，更幸运的是，土著人不那么发达，还特别容易感染欧洲疾病。美国建国之初的大部分时间里，欧洲列强相互厮杀，大大方便了美国在北美大陆进行扩张。在其他列强打了两场极具破坏性的世界大战之后，美国牢牢占据了全球至高无上的地位。对美国崛起之路的这一回顾并不否认美国做过许多正确的事情，但也承认美国的现有地位既要归功于所谓特殊天赋或者说“天定命运”，也要归功于好运。　　

　　错觉四：世界上的好事大多源自美国　　

　　美国人喜欢把国际社会积极动向的功劳记在自己头上。比尔·克林顿总统认为美国“对于促成稳定的政治关系不可或缺”，已故哈佛大学政治学家塞缪尔·亨廷顿认为美国的至高无上地位对于“世界上自由、民主、开放经济体和国际秩序的未来”至关重要。记者迈克尔·赫什说得更为露骨，他在《与自己交战》一书中写道，美国的全球作用“是千百年来、也许是有文字记载的历史以来这个世界收到的最好礼物”。鉴于美国领导人极尽自夸之能事，大多数美国人把自己国家视为国际事务中一支绝对的积极力量实在不足为奇。　　

　　跟前面所说的一样，这个观点有一定道理，但谈不上完全准确。美国在过去一个世纪里为世界和平与稳定作出了无可否认的贡献，包括马歇尔计划、布雷顿森林体系的创建与管理、对民主和人权核心原则的声援以及在欧洲和远东地区大体上起着维持稳定作用的驻军。但是认为一切好事都源自华盛顿的智慧则过分夸大了美国的贡献。　　

　　首先，虽然看过《拯救大兵瑞恩》或《巴顿将军》的美国人也许会以为美国在打败纳粹德国方面发挥了核心作用，但实际上对德作战主要在东欧展开，粉碎希特勒战争机器的主要任务是由苏联承担的。同样地，尽管马歇尔计划和北约对欧洲在二战结束后的成功起到了重要作用，但欧洲人在重建国家经济、构建新型的经济和政治联盟、超越长达四个世纪的敌对方面至少有同样大的功劳。　　

　　此外，戈弗雷·霍奇森最近在他充满同情却客观公正的《“美国例外论”的错觉》一书中指出，自由理想的传播是一个全球现象，其根源在于启蒙运动，欧洲哲学家和政治领导人为推广民主理想做了大量工作。同样地，就废除奴隶制和提高妇女地位的长期努力而言，英国和其他民主国家的功劳比美国更大，美国在这两方面的进展都落后于其他许多国家。如今美国在同性恋权利、刑事公正和经济平等方面也算不上居于世界领先地位——欧洲已经着手处理这些领域的问题。　　

　　最后，只要是对过去半个世纪的诚实描述就必须承认美国至高无上地位的不好的一面。美国在过去100年的绝大部分时间里都是温室气体排放大国，因此是全球环境恶化的一个重要根源。美国曾站在反对南非种族隔离的长期斗争的错误一方，曾经为了短期内战略利益的需要而支持众多臭名昭著的独裁政权——包括萨达姆·侯赛因政权。美国人也许有理由为他们在创建和捍卫以色列以及打击全球反犹主义方面发挥的作用感到自豪，但其一边倒的政策也造成了巴勒斯坦迟迟不能建国和以色列持续实施残暴的占领。　　

总之，美国人过多地揽下全球进步的功劳，而在美国政策事实上适得其反的领域受到太少的指责。美国人对自己的弱点视而不见，在某些方面，这带来现实世界的后果。还记得五角大楼里那些运筹帷幅的人原以为美军会在巴格达受到鲜花和人群夹道欢迎吗？结果他们得到的主要是火箭弹和简易爆炸装置。　　

　　错觉五：上帝站在我们这一边　　

　　“美国例外论”的一个关键内容是相信美国命中注定要领导世界上其他国家。罗纳德·里根在演讲时宣称“某种天意”给了美国现有地位，还曾经引用罗马教皇庇护十二世的话说：“上帝把受苦受难的人类的命运交到了美国手里。”小布什在2004年提出类似看法，他说：“我们接到来自九天之外的感召要伸张自由。”奥托·冯·伸斯麦也表达过同样的意思，尽管不那么冠冕堂皇，他嘲讽道：“上帝特别眷顾傻瓜、醉汉和美国。”　　

　　自信对任何一个国家来说都是宝贵的财富。但是当一个国家开始觉得自己蒙受夭恩，认定自己决不会失败，也不会被宵小之徒或无能之辈带入歧途，那么，现实可能就会给予当头棒喝。古雅典、拿破仑时代的法国、大日本帝国以及其他无数国家都曾深受这种狂妄自大之害，结局几乎总是很惨。　　

　　尽管美国取得了许多成就，但是它恐伯不能完全与挫折、罪恶以及愚蠢的错误绝缘。如若对此怀有质疑，那么不妨想想10年来轻率的减税、两场代价高昂却打不赢的战争以及基本由贪婪与腐败造成的金融崩溃是如何挥霍掉美国在20世纪末曾经享有的优势地位的。也许美国人不应该想当然地认为上帝站在他们那一边，而应该听听亚伯拉罕·林肯的训诫，即：我们最关注的应该是“我们是否站在上帝这一边”。　　

　　鉴于现在美国面临从失业率居高不下到两场损失巨大的战争难以收场的诸多挑战，美国人从自身例外论中找到慰藉——而且各位踌躇满志的政治领导人越来越热衷于宣扬“美国例外论”——丝毫不令人惊讶。　　

　　和世界上所有国家一样，美国有其特殊的品质，但它仍是一个竞争性全球体系中的一员。它比大多数国家都要强大和富有，地缘政治地位极为有利。这些优势使得美国在处理外交事务时有广泛的选择余地，但是并不能保证它的选择是正确的。美国远非一个所作所为与其他大国迥异的独一无二的国家，它的行为与其他大国二一样，首先追求的是自身利益，谋求逐步改善自己的相对地位，对纯属理想主义的追求付出的人力物力相对而言微不足道。然而，正如过去的其他大国，美国认定自己与众不同且比其他所有国家都要优秀。　　

　　国际政治就像有身体接触的体育项目，即便是实力雄厚的国家也必须为了安全与繁荣而栖牲政治原则。民族主义也是一股强大的力量，它难免要强调本国的优点而粉饰不那么光鲜的一面。但假如美国人想真正显得例外，那他们也许可以从以怀疑的眼光审视整个“美国例外论”开始。　　

附英文原文：

 http://www.foreignpolicy.com/articles/2011/10/11/the_myth_of_american_exceptionalism　　

The Myth of American Exceptionalism　　

The idea that the 　　United States　　 is uniquely virtuous may be comforting to Americans. Too bad it's not true.　　

BY STEPHEN M. WALT | NOVEMBER 2011　　

Over the last two centuries, prominent Americans have described the United States as an "empire of liberty," a "shining city on a hill," the "last best hope of Earth," the "leader of the free world," and the "indispensable nation." These enduring tropes explain why all presidential candidates feel compelled to offer ritualistic paeans to America's greatness and why President Barack Obama landed in hot water -- most recently, from Mitt Romney -- for saying that while he believed in "American exceptionalism," it was no different from "British exceptionalism," "Greek exceptionalism," or any other country's brand of patriotic chest-thumping.　　

Most statements of "American exceptionalism" presume that 　　America　　's values, political system, and history are unique and worthy of universal admiration. They also imply that the 　　United States　　 is both destined and entitled to play a distinct and positive role on the world stage.　　

The only thing wrong with this self-congratulatory portrait of 　　America　　's global role is that it is mostly a myth. Although the 　United States　 possesses certain unique qualities -- from high levels of religiosity to a political culture that privileges individual freedom -- the conduct of 　　U.S.　　 foreign policy has been determined primarily by its relative power and by the inherently competitive nature of international politics. By focusing on their supposedly exceptional qualities, Americans blind themselves to the ways that they are a lot like everyone else.　　

This unchallenged faith in American exceptionalism makes it harder for Americans to understand why others are less enthusiastic about U.S. dominance, often alarmed by U.S. policies, and frequently irritated by what they see as U.S. hypocrisy, whether the subject is possession of nuclear weapons, conformity with international law, or America's tendency to condemn the conduct of others while ignoring its own failings. Ironically, 　　U.S.　　 foreign policy would probably be more effective if Americans were less convinced of their own unique virtues and less eager to proclaim them.　　

What we need, in short, is a more realistic and critical assessment of 　　America　　's true character and contributions. In that spirit, I offer here the Top 5 Myths about American Exceptionalism.　　

Myth 1　　

There Is Something Exceptional About American Exceptionalism.　　

Whenever American leaders refer to the "unique" responsibilities of the 　　United States　　, they are saying that it is different from other powers and that these differences require them to take on special burdens.　　

Yet there is nothing unusual about such lofty declarations; indeed, those who make them are treading a well-worn path. Most great powers have considered themselves superior to their rivals and have believed that they were advancing some greater good when they imposed their preferences on others. The British thought they were bearing the "white man's burden," while French colonialists invoked la mission civilisatrice to justify their empire. 　　Portugal　　, whose imperial activities were hardly distinguished, believed it was promoting a certain miss?o civilizadora. Even many of the officials of the former 　Soviet Union　 genuinely believed they were leading the world toward a socialist utopia despite the many cruelties that communist rule inflicted. Of course, the 　　United States　　 has by far the better claim to virtue than Stalin or his successors, but Obama was right to remind us that all countries prize their own particular qualities.　　

So when Americans proclaim they are exceptional and indispensable, they are simply the latest nation to sing a familiar old song. Among great powers, thinking you're special is the norm, not the exception.　　

Myth 2　　

The 　　United States　　 Behaves Better Than Other Nations Do.　　

Declarations of American exceptionalism rest on the belief that the 　　United States　　 is a uniquely virtuous nation, one that loves peace, nurtures liberty, respects human rights, and embraces the rule of law. Americans like to think their country behaves much better than other states do, and certainly better than other great powers.　　

If only it were true. The 　United States　 may not have been as brutal as the worst states in world history, but a dispassionate look at the historical record belies most claims about 　　America　　's moral superiority.　　

For starters, the 　　United States　　 has been one of the most expansionist powers in modern history. It began as 13 small colonies clinging to the Eastern Seaboard, but eventually expanded across North America, seizing 　Texas　, 　Arizona　, 　New Mexico　, and 　California　 from 　　Mexico　　 in 1846. Along the way, it eliminated most of the native population and confined the survivors to impoverished reservations. By the mid-19th century, it had pushed 　Britain　 out of the Pacific Northwest and consolidated its hegemony over the 　Western Hemisphere　.　　

The 　　United States　　 has fought numerous wars since then -- starting several of them -- and its wartime conduct has hardly been a model of restraint. The 1899-1902 conquest of the 　Philippines　 killed some 200,000 to 400,000 Filipinos, most of them civilians, and the 　　United States　　 and its allies did not hesitate to dispatch some 305,000 German and 330,000 Japanese civilians through aerial bombing during World War II, mostly through deliberate campaigns against enemy cities. No wonder Gen. Curtis LeMay, who directed the bombing campaign against 　Japan　, told an aide, "If the 　　U.S.　　 lost the war, we would be prosecuted as war criminals." The United States dropped more than 6 million tons of bombs during the Indochina war, including tons of napalm and lethal defoliants like Agent Orange, and it is directly responsible for the deaths of many of the roughly 1 million civilians who died in that war.　　

More recently, the U.S.-backed Contra war in 　　Nicaragua　　 killed some 30,000 Nicaraguans, a percentage of their population equivalent to 2 million dead Americans. 　U.S.　 military action has led directly or indirectly to the deaths of 250,000 Muslims over the past three decades (and that's a low-end estimate, not counting the deaths resulting from the sanctions against 　Iraq　 in the 1990s), including the more than 100,000 people who died following the invasion and occupation of 　　Iraq　　 in 2003. 　　U.S.　　 drones and Special Forces are going after suspected terrorists in at least five countries at present and have killed an unknown number of innocent civilians in the process. Some of these actions may have been necessary to make Americans more prosperous and secure. But while Americans would undoubtedly regard such acts as indefensible if some foreign country were doing them to us, hardly any 　　U.S.　　 politicians have questioned these policies. Instead, Americans still wonder, "Why do they hate us?"　　

The United States talks a good game on human rights and international law, but it has refused to sign most human rights treaties, is not a party to the International Criminal Court, and has been all too willing to cozy up to dictators -- remember our friend Hosni Mubarak? -- with abysmal human rights records. If that were not enough, the abuses at Abu Ghraib and the George W. Bush administration's reliance on waterboarding, extraordinary rendition, and preventive detention should shake 　　America　　's belief that it consistently acts in a morally superior fashion. Obama's decision to retain many of these policies suggests they were not a temporary aberration.　　

The 　United States　 never conquered a vast overseas empire or caused millions to die through tyrannical blunders like 　　China　　's Great Leap Forward or Stalin's forced collectivization. And given the vast power at its disposal for much of the past century, 　　Washington　　 could certainly have done much worse. But the record is clear: 　　U.S.　　 leaders have done what they thought they had to do when confronted by external dangers, and they paid scant attention to moral principles along the way. The idea that the 　　United States　　 is uniquely virtuous may be comforting to Americans; too bad it's not true.　　

Myth 3　　

　　America　　's Success Is Due to Its Special Genius.　　

The 　　United States　　 has enjoyed remarkable success, and Americans tend to portray their rise to world power as a direct result of the political foresight of the Founding Fathers, the virtues of the U.S. Constitution, the priority placed on individual liberty, and the creativity and hard work of the American people. In this narrative, the 　　United States　　 enjoys an exceptional global position today because it is, well, exceptional.　　

There is more than a grain of truth to this version of American history. It's not an accident that immigrants came to 　　America　　 in droves in search of economic opportunity, and the "melting pot" myth facilitated the assimilation of each wave of new Americans. 　　America　　's scientific and technological achievements are fully deserving of praise and owe something to the openness and vitality of the American political order.　　

But 　　America　　's past success is due as much to good luck as to any uniquely American virtues. The new nation was lucky that the continent was lavishly endowed with natural resources and traversed by navigable rivers. It was lucky to have been founded far from the other great powers and even luckier that the native population was less advanced and highly susceptible to European diseases. Americans were fortunate that the European great powers were at war for much of the republic's early history, which greatly facilitated its expansion across the continent, and its global primacy was ensured after the other great powers fought two devastating world wars. This account of America's rise does not deny that the United States did many things right, but it also acknowledges that America's present position owes as much to good fortune as to any special genius or "manifest destiny."　　

Myth 4　　

The 　　United States　　 Is Responsible for Most of the Good in the World.　　

Americans are fond of giving themselves credit for positive international developments. President Bill Clinton believed the 　United States　 was "indispensable to the forging of stable political relations," and the late 　Harvard　 　University　 political scientist Samuel P. Huntington thought 　　U.S.　　 primacy was central "to the future of freedom, democracy, open economies, and international order in the world." Journalist Michael Hirsh has gone even further, writing in his book At War With Ourselves that 　　America　　's global role is "the greatest gift the world has received in many, many centuries, possibly all of recorded history." Scholarly works such as Tony Smith's 　America　's 　Mission　 and G. John Ikenberry's Liberal Leviathan emphasize 　　America　　's contribution to the spread of democracy and its promotion of a supposedly liberal world order. Given all the high-fives American leaders have given themselves, it is hardly surprising that most Americans see their country as an overwhelmingly positive force in world affairs.　　

Once again, there is something to this line of argument, just not enough to make it entirely accurate. The 　United States　 has made undeniable contributions to peace and stability in the world over the past century, including the Marshall Plan, the creation and management of the Bretton Woods system, its rhetorical support for the core principles of democracy and human rights, and its mostly stabilizing military presence in Europe and the 　Far East　. But the belief that all good things flow from 　Washington　's wisdom overstates the 　　U.S.　　 contribution by a wide margin.　　

For starters, though Americans watching Saving Private Ryan or Patton may conclude that the 　United States　 played the central role in vanquishing Nazi Germany, most of the fighting was in Eastern Europe and the main burden of defeating Hitler's war machine was borne by the 　Soviet Union　. Similarly, though the Marshall Plan and NATO played important roles in Europe's post-World War II success, Europeans deserve at least as much credit for rebuilding their economies, constructing a novel economic and political union, and moving beyond four centuries of sometimes bitter rivalry. Americans also tend to think they won the Cold War all by themselves, a view that ignores the contributions of other anti-Soviet adversaries and the courageous dissidents whose resistance to communist rule produced the "velvet revolutions" of 1989.　　

Moreover, as Godfrey Hodgson recently noted in his sympathetic but clear-eyed book, The Myth of American Exceptionalism, the spread of liberal ideals is a global phenomenon with roots in the Enlightenment, and European philosophers and political leaders did much to advance the democratic ideal. Similarly, the abolition of slavery and the long effort to improve the status of women owe more to 　Britain　 and other democracies than to the 　　United States　　, where progress in both areas trailed many other countries. Nor can the 　United States　 claim a global leadership role today on gay rights, criminal justice, or economic equality -- 　Europe　's got those areas covered.　　

Finally, any honest accounting of the past half-century must acknowledge the downside of American primacy. The 　　United States　　 has been the major producer of greenhouse gases for most of the last hundred years and thus a principal cause of the adverse changes that are altering the global environment. The 　United States　 stood on the wrong side of the long struggle against apartheid in 　　South Africa　　 and backed plenty of unsavory dictatorships -- including Saddam Hussein's -- when short-term strategic interests dictated. Americans may be justly proud of their role in creating and defending 　Israel　 and in combating global anti-Semitism, but its one-sided policies have also prolonged Palestinian statelessness and sustained 　　Israel　　's brutal occupation.　　

Bottom line: Americans take too much credit for global progress and accept too little blame for areas where 　　U.S.　　 policy has in fact been counterproductive. Americans are blind to their weak spots, and in ways that have real-world consequences. Remember when Pentagon planners thought 　U.S.　 troops would be greeted in 　　Baghdad　　 with flowers and parades? They mostly got RPGs and IEDs instead.　　

Myth 5　　

God Is on Our Side.　　

A crucial component of American exceptionalism is the belief that the 　　United States　　 has a divinely ordained mission to lead the rest of the world. Ronald Reagan told audiences that there was "some divine plan" that had placed 　　America　　 here, and once quoted Pope Pius XII saying, "Into the hands of America God has placed the destinies of an afflicted mankind." Bush offered a similar view in 2004, saying, "We have a calling from beyond the stars to stand for freedom." The same idea was expressed, albeit less nobly, in Otto von 　Bismarck　's alleged quip that "God has a special providence for fools, drunks, and the 　　United States　　."　　

Confidence is a valuable commodity for any country. But when a nation starts to think it enjoys the mandate of heaven and becomes convinced that it cannot fail or be led astray by scoundrels or incompetents, then reality is likely to deliver a swift rebuke. Ancient 　Athens　, Napoleonic France, imperial 　　Japan　　, and countless other countries have succumbed to this sort of hubris, and nearly always with catastrophic results.　　

Despite 　　America　　's many successes, the country is hardly immune from setbacks, follies, and boneheaded blunders. If you have any doubts about that, just reflect on how a decade of ill-advised tax cuts, two costly and unsuccessful wars, and a financial meltdown driven mostly by greed and corruption have managed to squander the privileged position the 　　United States　　 enjoyed at the end of the 20th century. Instead of assuming that God is on their side, perhaps Americans should heed Abraham Lincoln's admonition that our greatest concern should be "whether we are on God's side."　　

Given the many challenges Americans now face, from persistent unemployment to the burden of winding down two deadly wars, it's unsurprising that they find the idea of their own exceptionalism comforting -- and that their aspiring political leaders have been proclaiming it with increasing fervor. Such patriotism has its benefits, but not when it leads to a basic misunderstanding of 　　America　　's role in the world. This is exactly how bad decisions get made.　　

　　America　　 has its own special qualities, as all countries do, but it is still a state embedded in a competitive global system. It is far stronger and richer than most, and its geopolitical position is remarkably favorable. These advantages give the 　　United States　　 a wider range of choice in its conduct of foreign affairs, but they don't ensure that its choices will be good ones. Far from being a unique state whose behavior is radically different from that of other great powers, the United States has behaved like all the rest, pursuing its own self-interest first and foremost, seeking to improve its relative position over time, and devoting relatively little blood or treasure to purely idealistic pursuits. Yet, just like past great powers, it has convinced itself that it is different, and better, than everyone else.　　

International politics is a contact sport, and even powerful states must compromise their political principles for the sake of security and prosperity. Nationalism is also a powerful force, and it inevitably highlights the country's virtues and sugarcoats its less savory aspects. But if Americans want to be truly exceptional, they might start by viewing the whole idea of "American exceptionalism" with a much more skeptical eye.　　

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