洪博培称：罗姆尼误解中国
http://www.politico.com/blogs/burns-haberman/2012/02/huntsman-mitts-wrong-on-china-114735.html
今日洪博培猛批罗姆尼在《华尔街日报》上一篇“猛打中国”的报道。
周四洪博培称他不同意罗姆尼在《华尔街日报》社评上的大部分言论。
他对微软有线广播公司的Andrea Mitchell说道， 当重要的外交政策问题摆到桌面上时，威胁与中国方面的贸易战是“执迷不悟的“。
前美国驻华大使曾批评总统候选人罗姆尼对中国的强硬立场，但如今他却秉承了罗姆尼的想法。
洪博培称在共和党人中间有很多不同政见是正常的，他为自己长期的竞争对手辩护道。
洪博培现在在华盛顿，说道“我突然想到他对经济最好的贡献就是创造工作机会。”
他还补充道，他知道一些候选人用花言巧语来竞选，而真正当上总统之后态度就会缓和下来。
洪博培要为其将来工作中职位上留好位置，他呼吁不要尽量“迎合”中国。
洪博培说道，“退后一步用一个清晰的想法来分析我们目前双方这种最有挑战性的最重要的双边关系。这是两国人民之间长期的博弈。”
Huntsman: Mitt's wrong on ChinaFrom the "with endorsers like these ..." department, Jon Huntsman has some tart words for Mitt Romney's China-bashing Journal piece today. James Hohmann reports:Jon Huntsman said Thursday that he disagrees with much of Mitt Romney’s Wall Street Journal op-ed on China.
He told MSNBC’s Andrea Mitchell that it's “wrong-headed” to threaten a trade war with Beijing when important foreign policy issues are on the table.
The former U.S. ambassador to China criticized Romney for his hardline stance toward the communist regime when he was a candidate, but now he’s a Romney endorser.
Huntsman said some disagreements among Republicans are natural and he defended his endorsement of his long-time rival.
“I happen to think that on the economy he’s best placed…to create jobs,” Huntsman, who now lives in D.C., said.
He added that he’s seen candidates use tough rhetoric only to tone it down when they actually become president.
Huntsman, who has kept the door open to a future run for office, called for “less pandering” on China.
“Take a step back and analyze with a clear vision the most complicated, the most challenging and the most important bilateral relationship we have,” Huntsman said. “It is a long-term play between our people.”
米特·罗姆尼： 我将如何应对中国崛起
总统候选人罗姆尼亲自撰文介绍其将如何应对中国崛起。
段首语：中国政府在发展市场经济的同时，却抑制政治改革和个人自由，这将会在较大范围内造成不安。
21世纪会是美国世纪吗？为了回答这个问题，我们只需要思考唯一的替代者。
一种被广泛认可的说法认为21世纪是中国世纪。受益于中国13亿人口，10%的年增长率，以及迅速发展的军事力量，中国有机会成为一个能够主导亚洲乃至世界的力量。然而中国政府在发展市场经济的同时，却抑制政治改革和个人自由，这将会在较大范围内造成不安。但是中国世纪的崛起和美国世纪的终结并非不可比避免的。美国固有的力量给予了我们战胜中国乃至世界的竞争优势。因而，我们必须重新获得这种力量。
这就需要我们支撑住我们的财政和经济威望，重建我们的军队，以及给予我们的价值观新生。我们必须将这些力量贯彻落实下去，使中国因代价昂贵而放弃地区霸权主义道路，从而选择成为一个负责任的国际合作伙伴。
奥巴马正在走一条歪路。本周其与中国国家副主席习近平的会晤只是一个空有其表的漂亮仪式而已。
奥巴马总统是以一个乞讨者的形象出现在办公室的，乞求着中国继续购买美国国债从而使总统能够在国内继续恣意挥霍。奥巴马内阁反对向习近平就人权问题提出质疑，以避免危害到到其与中国就全球经济危机和全球气候问题的努力。这种软弱不仅增强了中国的自信心，还是美国在东亚的地位受到了我们盟友们的质疑。
（周二中国国家副主席习近平和奥巴马总统在白宫举行了会面）
在三年任期之后，总统终于宣布了他假大空的亚洲战略核心。这个核心将会被证明为像其重新设计的俄国战略一样巧妙和空虚。这个战略将会可能会导致为不可预料的结局：我们的盟友可能错误的认为我们放弃了这块区域，并且有可能继续放弃更多的区域。
这个核心战略同时未能充分提供资源。尽管总统提到了要提高美国在亚洲的军事存在，但是他的决策却无可避免的将会削弱我们的力量。他正在减少我们的海军舰船，缩编空军和陆军。由于他的政治立场和失败的领导，我们的军队正在面临一个未来十年多达一万亿美元的军事预算减少。我们必须改变这一切。
在经济领域，我们必须抵抗中国在贸易、知识产权和汇率问题上的欺诈。尽管我将会与中国领导人一道保证中美双边贸易能使双方互惠，但是我将不会将现有的鼓励中国欺骗美国公司，使美国工人处于不利地位的情况继续下去。
除非中国改变其做法，否则在我当上总统的第一天我就会认定中国是汇率操纵国，并且采取适宜的措施来抵制中国汇率立场。尽管与中国打贸易战是我最不愿意面对的事，但是我也决不能忍受现行的贸易投降主义。
我们同时也应当保证我们有足够的军事力量以应对中国崛起所带来的挑战。虽然中国的官方数据并不能完全涵盖其国防开支，但过去十年来，其官方的国防开支仍然维持着两位数的增长。这些数字提醒我们，中国的战略将会为我们带来麻烦。中国将通过继续对其领国施加压力，抑制美国在太平洋的军事存在以及创建一个使中国自身收益的和平。
为了维持我们在亚洲的军事实力，我决心取消奥巴马政府的国防紧缩政策并在亚洲保持一个强大的军事力量。这不是为了挑起军事冲突，正相反，这能保障亚洲依然向贸易开放市场，并为亚洲国家带去经济增长和民主自由。
我们必须承认一个事实，那就是中国政府继续否认公民的基本政治自由和权利。如果我们继续因为害怕惹怒中国政府而继续拒绝支持异议人士，继续拒绝抗议中国野蛮的计划生育政策，那我们就是以自由为代价支持中国的领导人。
一个国家如果还在镇压他的国民的话，那么在一个基于经济和政治自由的国际体系中，这个国家最终将难以被认为可信赖的伙伴。虽然中国民主政治是无法通过外力推动实现的，但中国人缺乏公民和政治权利从而使内部矛盾变成成功的改革也是一个事实。
为了保障我们国家的安全，我将不会退缩。为了确保太平洋地区的安全，我们在太平洋区域的经济和军事实力必须冠绝群雄。只有这样，才能保证那些受到压迫和独裁的国家继续能有机会实现美国自由的价值观和经济发展的机遇。
我的这些举措将会保证这是一个美国世纪，而不是中国世纪。中国的经济繁荣和民主自由将会为美国带来莫大好处。但我们不要认识不到如果中国是一个经济繁荣却执行暴政的国家，那他会为我们，为其邻邦，为整个世界带来极大危害。
米特·罗姆尼是共和党总统候选人How I'll Respond to China's Rising PowerThe character of the Chinese government—one that marries aspects of the free market with suppression of freedom—shouldn't become the norm.http://online.wsj.com/article/SB10001424052970204880404577225340763595570.html
By MITT ROMNEY Should the 21st century be an American century? To answer, it is only necessary to contemplate the alternatives.
One much bruited these days is that of a Chinese century. With China's billion-plus population, its 10% annual average growth rates, and its burgeoning military power, a China that comes to dominate Asia and much of the globe is increasingly becoming thinkable. The character of the Chinese government—one that marries aspects of the free market with suppression of political and personal freedom—would become a widespread and disquieting norm.
But the dawn of a Chinese century—and the end of an American one—is not inevitable. America possesses inherent strengths that grant us a competitive advantage over China and the rest of the world. We must, however, restore those strengths.
That means shoring up our fiscal and economic standing, rebuilding our military, and renewing faith in our values. We must apply these strengths in our policy toward China to make its path to regional hegemony far more costly than the alternative path of becoming a responsible partner in the international system.
Barack Obama is moving in precisely the wrong direction. The shining accomplishment of the meetings in Washington this week with Xi Jinping—China's vice president and likely future leader—was empty pomp and ceremony.
President Obama came into office as a near supplicant to Beijing, almost begging it to continue buying American debt so as to finance his profligate spending here at home. His administration demurred from raising issues of human rights for fear it would compromise agreement on the global economic crisis or even "the global climate-change crisis." Such weakness has only encouraged Chinese assertiveness and made our allies question our staying power in East Asia.
Zuma Press
Chinese Vice President Xi Jinping, left, with President Obama at the White House on Tuesday.
Now, three years into his term, the president has belatedly responded with a much-ballyhooed "pivot" to Asia, a phrase that may prove to be as gimmicky and vacuous as his "reset" with Russia. The supposed pivot has been oversold and carries with it an unintended consequence: It has left our allies with the worrying impression that we left the region and might do so again.
The pivot is also vastly under-resourced. Despite his big talk about bolstering our military position in Asia, President Obama's actions will inevitably weaken it. He plans to cut back on naval shipbuilding, shrink our Air Force, and slash our ground forces. Because of his policies and failed leadership, our military is facing nearly $1 trillion in cuts over the next decade.
We must change course.
In the economic arena, we must directly counter abusive Chinese practices in the areas of trade, intellectual property, and currency valuation. While I am prepared to work with Chinese leaders to ensure that our countries both benefit from trade, I will not continue an economic relationship that rewards China's cheating and penalizes American companies and workers.
Unless China changes its ways, on day one of my presidency I will designate it a currency manipulator and take appropriate counteraction. A trade war with China is the last thing I want, but I cannot tolerate our current trade surrender.
We must also maintain military forces commensurate to the long-term challenge posed by China's build-up. For more than a decade now we have witnessed double-digit increases in China's officially reported military spending. And even that does not capture the full extent of its spending on defense. Nor do the gross numbers tell us anything about the most troubling aspects of China's strategy, which is designed to exert pressure on China's neighbors and blunt the ability of the United States to project power into the Pacific and keep the peace from which China itself has benefited.
To preserve our military presence in Asia, I am determined to reverse the Obama administration's defense cuts and maintain a strong military presence in the Pacific. This is not an invitation to conflict. Instead, this policy is a guarantee that the region remains open for cooperative trade, and that economic opportunity and democratic freedom continue to flourish across East Asia.
We must also forthrightly confront the fact that the Chinese government continues to deny its people basic political freedoms and human rights. If the U.S. fails to support dissidents out of fear of offending the Chinese government, if we fail to speak out against the barbaric practices entailed by China's compulsory one-child policy, we will merely embolden China's leaders at the expense of greater liberty.
A nation that represses its own people cannot ultimately be a trusted partner in an international system based on economic and political freedom. While it is obvious that any lasting democratic reform in China cannot be imposed from the outside, it is equally obvious that the Chinese people currently do not yet enjoy the requisite civil and political rights to turn internal dissent into effective reform.
I will never flinch from ensuring that our country is secure. And security in the Pacific means a world in which our economic and military power is second to none. It also means a world in which American values—the values of liberty and opportunity—continue to prevail over those of oppression and authoritarianism.
The sum total of my approach will ensure that this is an American, not a Chinese century. We have much to gain from close relations with a China that is prosperous and free. But we should not fail to recognize that a China that is a prosperous tyranny will increasingly pose problems for us, for its neighbors, and for the entire world.
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