留美博士：朱学勤剽窃Blum 中英对照系列之五

朱学勤：《道德理想国的覆灭》

第七章第二节：243至249页

Carol Blum: Rousseau and the Republic of Virtue

布鲁姆：《卢梭与德性共和国》

pp. 182-194

二、道德救赎——重组市民社会

　　奇理斯玛升出了地平线。这是一次辉煌的日出吗？在它化为日落之前，确实是。法国社会学家杜尔凯姆说：“在法国革命最初的几年里，社会固有的那种自我神话或创造神明的倾向空前显著地表现了出来。这种宗教有自己的殉道者和传道者，深深感化了广大群众，最终还产生了一些伟大的事物”。11

　　道德救赎之扩张，当务之急是观念先行，倒果为因，把塑造道德新人的教育革命放在首位。１７９３年６月２３日，雅各宾

执政的第一个月，即公布教育体制改革的法令。（1. Blum，182页最后一行至183页第一段末尾。原文是：雅各宾派认为，社会作为一个整体造就人，不以共和制社会结果取代旧的社会结构，塑造道德新人的努力注定只能失败。所以教育的问题，就放在了首位。朱照搬部分原文，不加注释，又不把Blum的内容理清--即雅各宾派为什么认为教育要先行，反而加上主观的“倒果为因”妄加评断）

　　围绕着塑造新人和教改方案，国民公会展开了激烈辩论。

　　雅各宾党人俾约·瓦伦出版了一本《共和主义基础知识》的小册子，提出革命者必须承担起“提高人民道德”的责任，国家必须代替父权，抓起年轻一代的教育。否则，“你们必将失去年轻的一代”。（2. Blum，183页第1行，第4行，第8-10行）他盛赞斯巴达教育“是转向道德的一个明显例证，这一例证说明，从腐败道德向简朴道德的转化能够进行，而且要比败坏一颗正常心灵更容易、更迅速。人们如何能够怀疑，人生来就有一种不可抗拒的天性，倾向于追求并崇尚美德？” （3. Blum，183页第三段全段逐句照搬翻译；Blum此处给了注释，朱没有。）

（以上全段全部翻译自Blum，没有一处注释。）

　　孔多塞，杰出的数学家，百科全书派当时仅存的一个活着的成员，也提出了一个教改计划，却遭到雅各宾派议员迪朗· 马来纳的讽刺。后者说孔多塞的这一计划是推行百科全书派的唯物主义、非道德主义和无神论，而不是追随卢梭的教诲。（4. Blum，185页第一段第1-2行，第5-8行；全段逐句照搬翻译，没有一处注释；Blum此段英文原文还给了一个注释）

　　迪朗·马来纳的发言又遭到百科全书派的崇拜者雅科· 杜邦的反驳：“迪朗·马来纳竟敢在８月１０日以后重复那位日内瓦哲学家的怀疑和谬论。那位哲学家说什么科学与艺术败坏了道德。我请问迪朗·马来纳先生，所谓道德的败坏，说得如此夸张，以致人们如果按照我们的批评家的看法，是否要

考虑一下，应该把道德和诚实马上从这块自由的土地上驱逐出境？迪朗·马来纳主张限制人的理性，甚至追随专制者的榜样，限定人的思想和能力，而不是让人的思想和能力在共和制度下，进入所有方面，探索所有可能的方式，以扩展人的领域，这种主张实在是太荒谬了”12。（5. Blum，185页第一段最后三行和第二段第1-3行，第7行至末尾。Blum原文是杜邦同时攻击马来纳和卢梭两人，朱只提到攻击马来纳不提卢梭，所以下面一段朱文的第一句就显得很奇怪了）。

        杜邦攻击卢梭，当然不为雅各宾派所容。国民公会拒绝了杜邦意见，将雅各宾一派的佩蒂埃所提出的教改方案提上了议事日程。（6. Blum，185页最后一行至186页第1行；186页3-6行；Blum原文有一个注释，朱文没有）佩蒂埃的方案充满道德理想：“所有的孩子都从父亲身边领走，交由国家教育：教育免费；男孩从５岁到１１岁，女孩从５岁到１２岁，穿同样的衣服，受同样的教育；饮食菜谱有严格规定，禁绝酒和肉类；他们必须割掉与家庭的联系，形成新的人种，爱劳动，有规范，守纪律；他们形成一道不可逾越的屏障，与我们已经腐烂的那一部分人类隔离开来。”13。（7. Blum，186页第8行至第一段末尾）

       有人指责上述方案是“乌托邦”，佩蒂埃的兄弟费里克斯大声争辩说：“乌托邦？他们如此贬低柏拉图和托马斯·莫尔的高尚思想？” 。（8. Blum，186页脚注2-5行。Blum在其中给了注释，朱没有注释。朱连Blum的脚注内容都不放过要抄，却又不象别人Blum提供文献来源）

       与此同时，圣鞠斯特提出了一份更为彻底的方案，勾画了一幅完美的民粹主义社会蓝图。

佩蒂埃的方案仅仅规划了孩子从５岁到１１岁或１２岁的教育。接下来的岁月怎么办呢？或者说，共和国如何规划成年人的道德生活呢？圣鞠斯特写有《共和主义制度》一书，回答了这一问题。（9. Blum，187页最后四行）在这本小册子里，最重要的是这三大方面：教育，道德监护官和抚养与继承，至于经济和政治则从属于道德问题。。（10. Blum，190页第二段全段）

（以上这段，从187页跳跃式抄到190页，都是一字不漏逐句翻译，没有注释） 他比佩蒂埃更为彻底之处在于：

　　母亲抚养孩子，５岁而止。在此之后，孩子交给共和国，直至老死；那种从未哺育过孩子的母亲，在祖国看来，已不能作为母亲而存在；。（11. Blum，190页最后一段第3-6行）孩子５岁后进学校，只能穿布

衣，吃蔬菜、水果，只能饮水，不能喝酒；每晚在地席上睡八小时；他们得学习阅读，写作和游泳，最重要的是他们必须学会坚强；他们将被教育成热爱沉默，厌弃聒絮，他们只学一些简约的词汇；（12. Blum，190页最后五行至191页1-2行）

       从１０岁到１６岁，孩子的教育是军事和农艺；逢收获季节则要下乡支援农业；

从１６岁到２０岁，孩子们必须学会一门精湛的工业技术或农艺技术。２０岁至２５岁，他们必须去服兵役，为祖国而战……。14 （13. Blum, 191页第二段1-2行， 4-6行及该段最后两行）

以上所说都是男孩。至于女孩，圣鞠斯特只用两句话就打发了：女孩归母方家庭抚养；一过１０岁，她们没有父母或其它监护人的陪同，则不能在公开场合露面。（14. Blum, 191页第三段全段） “每一个人到了２５岁，就必须到神庙里去，向众人宣布他的朋友是哪些人。这一宣布必须在每年的风月里更新一次。（如果一个人与朋友断交，他必须向众人说明理由，否则当受惩罚！”）

（15. Blum, 191页第四段第4-9行。Blum原文有注释，朱整段都没有注释，也是逐句翻译。而且，Blum把这两部分是分开的。朱把这两部分放在同一段，也会引起误解，以为只有女性到了25岁才需要这么做）

       卢梭生前所设想的透明社会，也就不过如此？还有甚者：“如果一个人犯了罪，他的朋友也应受惩。因为他朋友不知情，等于说这个朋友在友谊中不受信任，也就是说，这个人没有朋友了，因此，他必须受惩”15。（16. Blum, 191页倒数第8行至倒数第5行）

       这岂不是一种连坐法？但圣鞠斯特之初衷却是，当着瓦解家庭联系的时候，应该代之以公民之间紧密的道德联系，以此奠定新型道德国家的社会基础。（17. Blum, 191页第四段第1-4行。Blum原文有一处注释，朱文没有注释） 为了维持民族的道德联系，还必须对外国人保持警惕：“正是外来者，一代又一代地引导我们走向他们的目标；外国影响造成了叛国者，使得邪恶受到尊崇，美德受到蔑视；他们使我们不得安宁”！16 。（18. Blum, 192页第一段第5-10行）

         最后，在这个民粹主义道德理想国中，还要选举道德模范，设立道德监护：（19. Blum, 192页第二段第1-2行。逐字翻译，没有注释）

　　在每一场革命中，都需要有独裁者来拯救国家，监护者来拯救道德；17 ：（20. Blum, 192页第二段第3-5行）

　　监护者从年满６０岁的男性公民中选出。他们在每年的老人节那天去神庙朝拜，让众人评议。如无非议，他就可以佩上白色值星带，标志他已当选，从此履行对美德的

监护职责；（21. Blum, 192页第二段最后五行）

　　这些佩戴白色值星带的监护者要维护神庙里的烛火长明不灭，重点监督对象是那些官员、军官和议员代表的道德行为。这些人一旦被发现腐败行为，立刻从高位上撤

换下来。监护者要使人敬畏，在公共场合，他们通常是缄默不语，这是一条禁令，任何人不得违反。18 （22. Blum, 192页第三段第3-7行）

（以上两段，Blum标了两个注释，一个是526页，一个是531页，朱文把两段放在一起，只给了一个531页注释）

　　热月政变后，在圣鞠斯特的文件堆里发现有一个法令提纲，宣布建立监护者阶级。圣鞠斯特写道：“救国委员会责成我来宣布下列法令：在法兰西生活的每一个方面都建立监护人…监护制作用于政府，决不能作用于不可腐蚀的人民……”19（23. Blum, 192页最后一段）

         该法令几乎逐字不漏地抄录了他在《共和主义制度》中的那些狂热设想。（24. Blum, 193页第1-2行） 至此，似应承认，雅各宾派并不仅仅崇信行政权力改造市民社会的威力。他们不也有权力制约意识？只是他们所设计的权力制约，原来是以道德监督权力，而不是以权力制约权力。

         在这场教改大辩伦——实际上也是再造新人重组市民社会的大辩论中，罗伯斯庇尔态度如何？

　　１７９３年７月１３日，也就是与圣鞠斯特写作上述小册子的日期同时，罗伯斯庇尔从费里克斯那儿接过佩蒂埃的方案，略加修改后，作为他的提议，向国民公会提出。他的演说词是这样开头的：（25. Blum, 193页第二段第1-4行;该段逐字翻译自Blum，没有注释）

　　国民公会给历史将留下三项足堪纪念的伟业：宪法、 市民法典和公共教育。（26. Blum, 193页第二段第4-6行）

　　征服和胜利的荣耀只不过是过眼烟云。只有美好的制度能够长存，并且德化所有的民族。（27. Blum, 193页第二段第11-13行）

　　我承认，直到目前为止，人们所议论的东西并不符合我长久以来的一个理想：要建立一个完整的教育计划。我已经领受了一套庞大的思想体系，并且考虑过究竟是在哪一关键点上，人类被我们旧的社会制度的罪恶所腐蚀。我确信，必须来一次全盘更新。如果让我以这种方式来表达我的意见，那就是：创造一种全新的人！（28. Blum, 193页第二段最后七行）

　　罗伯斯庇尔把制度和教育作了区分，教育作为观念先行，优先于制度建设：

　　教育联系每一个人，并且泽被天下。然而，现在却被人们忽视了。

　　就我而言，我坚信，我们在确立一种制度以前，必须确立这种制度的基础。制度只能播益于少数人，教育却能播益于所有人。20 ！（29. Blum, 193页最后三行至194页第8行）

（此段朱误解Blum。Blum的原文说罗伯斯庇尔把“教育”(education)与“教学”(instruction)作了区分，朱不懂instruction该翻译成“教学”，而翻译成了“制度”。罗伯斯庇尔认为教学 (instruction) 关注的主要是知识；而教育(education)应该泽被所有人。然后在讨论“教学”时，罗认为制度优先，要确立好的制度基础；因为教学更多只是促进知识层面，只会对少数人有好处，而好的制度对所有人都有好处，因为制度培养与促进好的习性。朱由于对关键的术语理解错了，所以误解成“制度只能播益于少数人”，恰恰相反，罗认为制度重要，能播益于所有人）

　　着重号是我加的。很显然，那套庞大的教育体系领受于卢梭。人类被社会罪恶所腐蚀，必须全盘更新社会制度等，也非卢梭莫属。更重要的是，卢梭“倒果为因，观点先行”的危险观点，在这里开始进入了实践层面。！（30. Blum, 194页第一段最后五行）

注释：

11. 转引自高毅：《法兰西风格——大革命政治文化》，Ｐ１９１。

12. 饶勒斯：《法国革命社会史》，第８卷，Ｐ１０—１２。

13. 同上，Ｐ２５。

14. 《圣鞠斯特全集》，第２卷，Ｐ５１６—５１７。

15. 同上，Ｐ５１９。

16. 同上，Ｐ５０９。

17. 同上，Ｐ５２０。

18.  同上，Ｐ５３１。

19. 同上，Ｐ５３８。

20.《罗伯斯庇尔全集》第１０卷，法兰西大学出版社１９６７年版，Ｐ３１。

1. Blum, p. 182-183: …by projects to establish a system of education. It was the society as a whole, the Jacobins had learned from Rousseau, which formed men, and efforts to lead them to virtue without destroying monarchical social structures and replacing them with republican ones were bound to fail. The question of education, therefore, underlay all other concerns.

2. Blum, p. 183: Jacques-Nicolas Billaud-Varenne,…composed the Elements du republicanisme1…The revolutionaries had to face up to their responsibility to "raise men to virtue" "You will lose the younger generation," Billard-Varenne warned warned, "by abandoning it to parents with prejudices and ignorance... Therefore, let the fatherland take hold of children…”

3. Blum, p. 183: Billaud-Varenne praised the educational efficacy of Sparta, which he termed a "magnanimous nation." "There is the obvious effect of the return to virtue, and this example demonstrates that the transition from depraved morals to austere morals can take place, and more easy and more rapidly than the perversion of an honest heart. How could anyone have questioned that man was born with an irresistible disposition toward searching for and cherishing virtue?"

(p. 38).

4. Blum, p. 185: Condorcet, the celebrated mathematician, friend and disciple of the Encyclopedists, had prepared a detailed plan for the reformation of education…,2 Durand-Maillane, deputy from Bouchesdu-Rhone, attacked it as promoting the materialism, immorality, and atheism of the philosophes rather than following the wisdom of Rousseau…

5. Blum, p. 185: Jacob Dupont, deputy from Indre-et-Loire and admirer of the Encyclopedists, denounced both Durand-Maillane and Rousseau for equating ignorance with virtue: Durand-Maillane has dared to repeat, even after August 10, the sophisms and the paradoxes of the Genevan philosopher who [said] that the sciences and the arts corrupt morals: I ask Durand-Maillane,… What is this so-called corruption of morals, then, so much exaggerated that

according to our critics one would have to think that virtue and probity would soon be exiled from the land of liberty?I will confess that Durand-Maillane's assertions seemed most strange to me, when he wanted to circumscribe within certain limits man's reason, or, following the example of the despot, give one direction rather than another to the thought and the hand of man, whereas, under the republican regime, man's thoughts and man's hand can go in all directions and take all possible forms in widening his domain.

6. Blum, p. 185-186: Dupont's liberal, open-ended idea of education… did not correspond to the Jacobin vision…It was the educational project of Michel Le Pelletier de Saint-Fargeau, former great noble elected to the Convention, which was to receive Jacobin endorsement and would eventually…, be reformulated for presentation by Robespierre to the Convention.3

7. Blum, p. 186: The project called for all children to be taken from their parents and raised by the state, free of charge, from the age of five until twelve for boys, and eleven for girls, "all children, without distinction and without exception, will be raised in common

at the expense of the Republic and all, under the holy law of equality, will receive the same clothing, the same nourishment, the same instruction, the same care."

8.Blum, p. 186: Michel's brother, Felix Le Pelletier de Saint-Fargeau, anxious to defend the project against charges of being "Utopian,"… "A Utopia! that's how they tried to denigrate the lofty thoughts of Plato and Thomas More…!" (Jaures, 8: 27).

9. Blum, p. Le Pelletier's ideas, however, regulated the life of the child only from five years until eleven or twelve. How was the Republic to mold the citizenry to virtue the rest of the time? In his Institutions republicaines, Saint-Just addressed himself to this question.

10. Blum, p. 190: Three areas were accorded special importance: education, the office of censor of morals, and the question of adoption and inheritance. The last appears to have been a matter of great personal concern to the orphaned Saint-Just.

11.Blum, p. 190: "Children belong to their mother until the age of five, if she has nursed them, and to the republic after that, until death. The mother who has not nursed her baby ceases to be a mother in the eyes of the fatherland" (2: 516-17).

12. Blum, p. There they were to dress in cloth, sleep eight hours a night on mats, eat only roots, fruits, legumes, dairy products, and bread, and drink only water. They might not be petted or struck. They would learn to read, write, and swim. Above all, they must learn to be still. "Children are raised," said Saint-Just, "to love silence and to hold chatterers in contempt. They are trained for laconism" (2: 517).

13. Blum, p. 191: "From age ten to sixteen, the education of children is military and agricultural." …Besides performing these military efforts, they would be "distributed to farmers, at harvest time." From sixteen until twenty-one, boys were to undergo specialized training in farming, manufacturing, or the navy…From twenty-one until twenty-five, they were part of the national militia.

14. Blum, p. 191: The education of girls, however, was dismissed summarily in two

sentences. "Girls are raised in the maternal home," Saint-Just specified; further, "on holidays a virgin over the age of ten may not

appear in public without her mother, father, or tutor."

15. Blum, p. 191: "Every man twenty-five years old," Saint-Just stated, "is obliged to declare in the temple who his friends are. This declaration must be renewed every year during the month of ventose. If a man abandons his friend, he must explain his reasons before the people, in the temples If he refuses, he is banished" (2: 519).

16. Blum, p. 191: If one committed a crime, the other was banished. As for "the one who says he does not believe in friendship, or has no friend, he is banished" (2: 519).

17. Blum, p. 191: One emotional tie was institutionalized to permeate this otherwise abstemious society: masculine friendship. Friendship, the nonbiological tie, neither dictated by the family nor linked to procreation, was elevated to the level of a national principle.8

18. Blum, p. 192: The same thinking led Saint-Just to purge the foreigner, for it was he who introduced corruption into France. It was the alien, who, "from vicissitude to vicissitude has led us to his ends," and who, Saint-Just said elsewhere, "troubles our repose." According to Saint-Just, it is "the foreign influence which forms traitors, or has the Gracchi killed, causes crime to be honored and virtue proscribed" (2:

509).

19. Blum, p. 192: The second key institution of the republic of virtue would be a class of "censors" or "magistrates to provide the example of morals."

20. Blum, p. 192: "In every revolution," he wrote, "it is necessary to have a dictator to save the State by force, or censors to save it by virtue" (2: 530).

21. Blum, p. 192: "Men who have always led blameless lives will wear a white sash at

the age of sixty. They will present themselves for this purpose in the temple on the day of the festival of old age, to be judged by their

fellow citizens. If no one accuses them, they will take the white sash. Respect for old age is a cult in our society" (2: 526).

22. Blum, p. 192: Their principal function, however, was supervising the morals of public officials, army officers, and elected

representatives. They were to rid high office of corruption. These awesome figures pursued their ends in a Saint-Justian silence: "It is

forbidden for censors to speak in public" (2: 531).

23. Blum, p. After Thermidor a project for a decree was found among his papers, one proposing the establishment of a class of

censors. Saint-Just restated the arguments he had put forth in the Institutions but now declared: "The Committee of Public Safety has

charged me with presenting the following decree" (2: 538). He then went on to dictate the terms of an actual law, establishing censors in each district in France. "This censorship is exercised upon the government," he stipulated, "and cannot be exercised upon the incorruptible people."

24. Blum, p. 193: The articles of the decrees are either paraphrases of the Institutions or word-for-word transpositions.

25. Blum, p. 193: On July 13, 1793, a few months after Saint-Just had probably written most of his Institutions, Robespierre presented the Convention with his version of Le Pelletier's plan for education. He began by declaring the importance of the subject.

26.  Blum, p. 193: "The National Convention owes three monuments to history," he declared, "the Constitution, the code of civil laws, and public education."

27. Blum, p. 193: "For the glory of conquests and victories is sometimes ephemeral, but beautiful institutions remain and they immortalize nations."

28.  Blum, p. 193: "I confess that what has been said up until now does not correspond to the idea I have formed for myself of a complete plan for education. I have dared to conceive vaster thoughts; and considering to what point the human species is degraded by the vice of our former social system, I am convinced of the necessity of operating a total regeneration, and, if I may express myself in this way, of creating a new people."

29. Blum, p. 193-194: He addresses the distinction between "education" and "instruction." The latter, concerned with intellectual achievements, in Robespierre's opinion, and in any case was of secondary importance. "Education," on the other hand, "must be common to everyone and universally beneficial. [The Committee] has entirely neglected it." Before the question of instruction, Robespierre placed priority upon the necessity for "institution": "For my part, I believed we had to lay foundations for the institution of the public before instruction. The latter profits a few people, the former is for the good of all. Instruction propagates useful knowledge, institutions create and propagate necessary habits" (10: 31).

30. Blum, p. 194: Thus Robespierre… incorporated it into a bold new program for France, one designed to move from the page into the lives of the people, destroying the "aristocratic" mentality inherent in family life and substituting for it a new consciousness, one derived from institutions generating a virtuous race.